As the medium of democracy, the Public is a communicational trace of the missing Collective Sovereign: the People or Demos. In political life, we often refer to the People, but in reality the People does not make a community. It is instead a notion, a missing Sovereign, the one who exists as concept but does not speak for oneself. The community is yet to be established, and this can be done only by communication. The aim of such communication is to formulate norms, rules and principles which are to be implemented or encouraged in public life. On a more normative level, this can be done in the process of writing a Constitution. The other objective is to discuss the concept of public good. This is left to communicational functions of the Public. The concept of the Public is left to citizens, who communicate with other citizens, and thus create public opinion. By doing that, the Public is here to remind the government that somebody else is to be Sovereign, i.e. that there is also the People. The Public is thus a substitute for the "missing Sovereign". There can be no Democracy without this role of the Public. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses the basic structure of Mancur Olson's political economy. He highlights three concepts on which it is based: public goods, interest groups, & selective incentives. The last concept represents Olson's innovation in contemporary political science. The author's central methodical assumption is based on the insight that Olson's key theory is linked with the so-called public goods paradox. Unlike private goods, public goods are noncompetitive & nonexclusive, which means that it is not possible to bar those who do not share the costs of their production from using them. On the basis of this, Olson has developed the original theory of interest groups. By looking into the costs of organizing along interest lines as a collective activity whose result is a public good, he distinguishes between large, heterogeneous, & small, homogeneous groups. Besides, he has shown that, regarding public goods, individuals tend to behave as free riders, defaulters who try to avoid the costs of securing these goods. The author shows that Olson has, notwithstanding certain flimsiness of his reductionist methodology, significantly revamped political science. Adapted from the source document.
Ovaj naslov podsjeća neminovno na ljudska prava i kao da inzistira na nekom novom pravu čovjeka i građanina, poput npr. "prava na vodu", koje je bilo predmetom građanske zakonotvorne inicijative prošle godine pred Europskom komisijom. Pravo na "dobru javnu upravu" često se poistovjećuje s pravom na "dobro upravljanje", pa će stoga u uvodnom dijelu biti potrebno razjasniti razliku između tih dvaju pojmova, te se potom pozabaviti "dobrom javnom upravom", njezinim načelima i deontologijom u dvjema europskim integracijama – članice koje su i Hrvatska i Francuska – a to su, najprije ona starija, politička integracija Vijeća Europe, a zatim i ona malo mlađa, još uvijek pretežito ekonomska integracija, a to je Europska unija. Promotrimo stoga najprije što ta dva pojma znače u međunarodnim organizacijama, a što na internom planu demokratskih država. ; This title inevitably makes us think of human rights as if it is insisting on some new human and citizen rights such as for example "the right to water", which was the subject of a civil law creating initiative last year before the European Commission. The right to "good public administration "is often identified with the right to "good management". So, in the introduction it will be necessary to differentiate between these two concepts. Then "good public administration "will be dealt with; its principles and deontology in two European integrations or member states who are Croatia and France. These are primarily the old political integration of the European Council and then the more recent ones mainly including economic integration which is the European Union. Therefore, these two concepts will firstly be observed as to their definition in international organisations and in the internal plan of democratic states.
Pojam "centralizacije" počeo se koristiti u Francuskoj krajem 18. stoljeća kada je nakon revolucije stvorena nova struktura vlade. Pojam "decentralizacije" u upotrebu je ušao početkom 19. stoljeća. Ideje slobode i decentralizacije provodili su tijekom 19. i 20. stoljeća protudrţavni politički aktivisti koji su sebe nazivali "anarhistima", "libertarijancima", pa čak i decentralistima. Tocqueville, jedan od zagovornika decentralizacije je istaknuo da decentralizacija ima ne samo administrativnu vrijednost već i graĎansku dimenziju, jer povećava mogućnosti za graĎane da se zainteresiraju za javne poslove. I od akumulacije tih lokalnih, aktivnih, pronicljivih sloboda, raĎa se najučinkovitija protuteţa središnjoj vladi, čak i ako bi bila podrţavana od neosobne, kolektivne volje. Veliki broj zemalja u razvoju i tranzicijskih zemalja započeo je neki oblik programa decentralizacije. Taj je trend povezan sa sve većim zanimanjem za ulogu civilnog društva i privatnog sektora kao partnera vladama u traţenju novih načina pruţanja usluga. Decentralizacija upravljanja i jačanje kapaciteta lokalne uprave dijelom je i funkcija širih društvenih trendova, što uključuje, na primjer, općenito rastuće nepovjerenje u vladu, propast nekih od najcentraliziranijih reţima na svijetu (npr. Sovjetskog Saveza) i novonastale separatističke zahtjeve koji se rutinski pojavljuju u pojedinim dijelovima svijeta. Pokret prema lokalnoj odgovornosti i većoj kontroli nad nečijom sudbinom nije, meĎutim, rezultat samo negativnog stava prema središnjoj vladi. Umjesto toga, ovaj razvoj dogaĎaja uglavnom je potaknut snaţnom ţeljom za većim sudjelovanjem graĎana i organizacije privatnog sektora u funkciji upravljanja. ; The term "centralization" began to be used in France in the late 18th century when, after the revolution, a new government structure was created. The term "decentralization" came into use in the early 19th century. The ideas of freedom and decentralization were implemented during the 19th and 20th centuries by anti-state political activists who called themselves "anarchists," "libertarians," and even decentralizers. Tocqueville, one of the proponents of decentralization, pointed out that decentralization has not only an administrative value but also a civic dimension, as it increases opportunities for citizens to take interest in public affairs. And from the accumulation of these local, active, insightful freedoms, the most effective counterbalance to central government is born, even if it were supported by an impersonal, collective will. A large number of developing and transition countries have embarked on some form of decentralization program. This trend is linked to the growing interest in the role of civil society and the private sector as partners to governments in seeking new ways of providing services. Decentralization of governance and strengthening the capacity of local government is partly a function of broader social trends, which include, for example, growing distrust of government, the collapse of some of the world's most centralized regimes (eg the Soviet Union) and emerging separatist demands that routinely emerge in some parts of the world. The movement towards local responsibility and greater control over one's destiny is not, however, the result of only a negative attitude towards the central government. Instead, this development is largely driven by a strong desire for greater citizen participation and private sector organization in the governance function.
Pojam "centralizacije" počeo se koristiti u Francuskoj krajem 18. stoljeća kada je nakon revolucije stvorena nova struktura vlade. Pojam "decentralizacije" u upotrebu je ušao početkom 19. stoljeća. Ideje slobode i decentralizacije provodili su tijekom 19. i 20. stoljeća protudrţavni politički aktivisti koji su sebe nazivali "anarhistima", "libertarijancima", pa čak i decentralistima. Tocqueville, jedan od zagovornika decentralizacije je istaknuo da decentralizacija ima ne samo administrativnu vrijednost već i graĎansku dimenziju, jer povećava mogućnosti za graĎane da se zainteresiraju za javne poslove. I od akumulacije tih lokalnih, aktivnih, pronicljivih sloboda, raĎa se najučinkovitija protuteţa središnjoj vladi, čak i ako bi bila podrţavana od neosobne, kolektivne volje. Veliki broj zemalja u razvoju i tranzicijskih zemalja započeo je neki oblik programa decentralizacije. Taj je trend povezan sa sve većim zanimanjem za ulogu civilnog društva i privatnog sektora kao partnera vladama u traţenju novih načina pruţanja usluga. Decentralizacija upravljanja i jačanje kapaciteta lokalne uprave dijelom je i funkcija širih društvenih trendova, što uključuje, na primjer, općenito rastuće nepovjerenje u vladu, propast nekih od najcentraliziranijih reţima na svijetu (npr. Sovjetskog Saveza) i novonastale separatističke zahtjeve koji se rutinski pojavljuju u pojedinim dijelovima svijeta. Pokret prema lokalnoj odgovornosti i većoj kontroli nad nečijom sudbinom nije, meĎutim, rezultat samo negativnog stava prema središnjoj vladi. Umjesto toga, ovaj razvoj dogaĎaja uglavnom je potaknut snaţnom ţeljom za većim sudjelovanjem graĎana i organizacije privatnog sektora u funkciji upravljanja. ; The term "centralization" began to be used in France in the late 18th century when, after the revolution, a new government structure was created. The term "decentralization" came into use in the early 19th century. The ideas of freedom and decentralization were implemented during the 19th and 20th centuries by anti-state political activists ...
Analizira se koncept dobre vladavine, počevši od razloga koji su doveli do njegova razvoja, temeljnih značajki i mogućnosti utjecaja na reformske pristupe kojima je cilj dosezanje kvalitetne suvremene vladavine. Najprije se analiziraju različita shvaćanja i razvojne karakteristike koncepta vladavine, zaključno sa suvremenom konceptualizacijom koja se u radu povezuje s učincima menadžerskih reformi javne uprave i procesom globalizacije, a koja stremi iznalaženju modela koji bi omogućio šire uključivanje građana i civilnog društva te istodobno djelotvornost u radu javne uprave kao preduvjet ekonomskog i društvenog razvoja. U tu se svrhu posebno analiziraju načela dobre vladavine iznesena u "Bijeloj knjizi europske vladavine" uz početnu pretpostavku da su ona prisutna u očekivanjima ispunjenja političkih, ekonomskih i institucionalnih, tzv. kopenhaških kriterija za pridruživanje Europskoj uniji. U radu se jačanje upravnih kapaciteta, utvrđivanje načela uz pomoć kojih se može ocijeniti kvaliteta suvremene vladavine i šire uključivanje civilnog društva identificiraju kao temeljna obilježja različitih pristupa dobroj vladavini. ; The concept of good governance is analyzed with particular emphasis on reasons that contributed to its development, main characteristics and possible impact on reform approaches which aim at achieving quality of contemporary governance. Different conceptions and developmental characteristics of governance are firstly examined, concluding with contemporary conceptualization that tends to widely engage citizens and civil society in the decision-making process, and at the same time accomplish greater effectiveness of public services as a precondition to economic and social development. According to findings presented in this article, this modern approach to the study of governance is in close connection with the effects of managerial reforms and the globalization process. Good governance principles introduced in the European Commission's document "European Governance – A White Paper" are especially focused on. The research's starting assumption was that those principles derive from the so-called Copenhagen criteria, or political, economic and institutional conditions for membership in the European Union. The article identifies three main characteristics of different approaches to the concept of good governance: strengthening of administrative capacities, determination of principles which should contribute to the quality of contemporary governance assessment, and wider engagement of and consultation with the civil society.
The author looks into the relationship between political parties & the public good. He begins by asking whether it is legally possible to compel parties to work for the public good. It seems it is not, since in democracy there are no criteria that might a priori be established as the binding norms. The public good, namely, depends on the fundamental constitutional solutions & the general political culture. In line with this, the author goes on to depict the model of the monarchical state. According to this model, the public interest may be derived "from above" ie, the public interest is a result of the emanations of the "exalted" state authority. In modern democracy, however, it is not possible to shape the general will without parties, organizations more committed to their own interests than those of their political community on the whole. In a way, parties represent a danger for this democracy & the entire political community. The author asks how, if at all, we can resolve this dilemma. Referring to Scheuner, Hesse, Emke, Habermas, & Haberle, the author finds the answer in the postulate that the promotion of the public interest cannot be left solely to the state, but that all members of a political community should get involved. Parties in the contemporary pluralist culture ought to become aware that their primary task is the public good that is not in the function of party life. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting point is the assumption that the public is essentially political & also indispensable for democratic polity. After a brief analysis of the notions related to the concept of the public in different traditions, the author offers three essential elements for its formation: the liberal freedoms as a prerequisite of public life, the unseverable link between the public & democracy, & the legitimation & the control of power by means of the public. The public has a decisive role in all the functions of the state by ensuring three things: the legislature aspires to the public good, the public controls the parliament & government, & the court decisions are overt. In contemporary society the public sphere is safeguarded by parties, associations, trade unions, electronic media & the press in the sense that they prevent the parties in power to lead arcane politics. In the end, the author champions the idea of a proper distinction between the private & the public sphere, since the total public would mean the death of freedom-loving democracy. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.
Faza europeizacije hrvatske javne uprave započela je 2001. godine. Obuhvaća značajne promjene u središnjoj državnoj upravi, javnim službama (službama od općeg interesa), lokalnoj i regionalnoj samoupravi, službeničkom sustavu, upravnom obrazovanju, općem upravnom pravu te u sustavu pravne zaštite građana. U svim tim područjima razvijaju se značajni europski standardi, koji služe kao oslonac harmonizacije javnih uprava europskih zemalja. Europske standarde razvijaju Europska unija, Vijeće Europe, ali i same europske zemlje međusobnom razmjenom i učenjem. Reformama hrvatske uprave želi se ojačati upravne kapacitete, ostvarenje standarda dobrog europskog upravljanja i efektivni ulazak u zajednički europski upravni prostor. Europska je unija nametnula politiku i mehanizme kondicionalnosti te osigurala značajna financijska sredstva, projekte i stručnu potporu upravnim reformama u Hrvatskoj. Prilagodbe su u tijeku, a usprkos općenito dobrim rezultatima, ostaje značajni prostor za punu europeizaciju, u smislu postizanja odgovarajućih učinaka hrvatske javne uprave. ; Europeanization of the Croatian public administration formally started in 2001. This phase has encompassed important changes of the central state administration, services of general interest, local and regional self-government, civil service, administrative education and in-service training, general administrative law and system of legal protection of citizens. Reforms have been oriented towards strengthening administrative capacities, acquiring standards of good European governance, and effective entrance into common European Administrative Space. During that phase, till the Croatian accession, the European Union imposed conditionality policy and mechanisms, and ensured huge financial and expert support to the reforms. Reforms at the central level consisted of agencification, professionalisation and depoliticisation of the civil service, Europeanization of a significant part of sectoral public policies and strengthening openness and ethical standards. The purposes of reforms at the local and regional levels have been strengthening democratic legitimacy, reorientation towards economic development, and realisation of prerequisites for more efficient regional policy in line with European regional and structural policy. A new concept of services of general interest along with liberalisation, privatisation and commercialisation policy has been realised. Independent regulation of services of general economic interest and fostering better quality of non-economic services of general interest have been developed. Legal protection of citizens has been strengthened by introducing two-tier administrative justice and realisation of standards of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of the Council of Europe, parallel with some administrative simplification. The right to good administration, established by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, has attracted increased attention. Certain steps towards quality modern education for key administrative personnel have been made.
The paper deals with the possible impact of globalization & decentralization on the future role of public spending in Croatia. In the first part, the author describes the elements of government intervention in the economic process during the 20th century & the theoretical origin of public goods as a resource that the market is incapable of efficiently providing. Then, the characteristics of the process of globalization & decentralization (localization) are listed. These are the two simultaneous processes whose intensification leads to the reduction of the regulative role of the nation-state & public spending. Discussed in conclusion are the structure of public spending in Croatia, & the possible impact of the two processes on its structure & volume. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se polazi od shvaćanja da je javno-privatno partnerstvo (JPP) jedan od najznačajnijih instrumenata dobrog upravljanja, pri čemu treba voditi računa o složenosti tog mehanizma, mogućnos tima i opasnostima koje u sebi nosi, posebno ako ga se uzima u njegovoj reduciranoj ulozi – kao instrument privatnog investiranja za zadovoljenje javnih potreba. Upravo takav uski koncept dolazi do izražaja u Smjernicama Vlade Republike Hrvatske donesenim u rujnu 2006., kojima se uvodi isključivo ugovorni oblik JPP-a i koncesije. Rad upozorava na nedovoljnu sustavnost, konzistentnost, jasnoću i cjelovitost pristupa, koja čini upitnom proklamiranu svrhu Smjernica da potencijalnim partnerima pruži informacije, koje sadržavaju dovoljno odgovora kad oni razmišljaju primijeniti li ili ne JPP. Kako bi se došlo do dodatnih informacija, najveći dio rada posvećen e prikazu instituta isključivog ugovornog oblika JPP-a kroz praksu zemalja (prvenstveno V. Britanije i donekle Australije) kojega najviše primjenjuju u posljednjih 10-ak godina, pri čemu je naglasak na problemima transfera rizika. ; The paper is based on the belief that public-private partnership is one of the most important instruments of good governance. However, the complexity, potentials, and dangers of that institute also must be taken into consideration. At the beginning of the paper, the author outlines Guidelines of the Government from September 2006, which introduced the institute of public-private partnership as exclusively contractual relationship. A critical analysis of the Guidelines has shown a number of incomplete and disputable provisions as well as confusion about the principles, objectives, and instruments of public-private partnership. That situation certainly does not provide sufficient information to those who would like to use the instrument of PPP, particularly because they are constantly persuaded that PPP is the best way for satisfying public needs without additional taxation of citizens.969 Perko-[eparovi} Inge: Upitnost transfera rizika u javno-privatnom partnerstvu HRVATSKA JAVNA UPRAVA, god. 7. (2007.), br. 4., str. 943–969 HRVATSKA JAVNA UPRAVA The main part of the paper deals with the practice in Great Britain – the country that has been using that institute most frequently in the past ten years – and Australia – the country that often copies British solutions. Since the legitimation for contractual form of PPP – in Great Britain known as private financial initiative – often seems to be the allocation of risk, i.e. the transfer of risk from the public to the private sector, the main part of the paper deals with these issues: the existence and time of the transfer of risk; public sector constraints that appear after a contract has been signed in the situation of asymmetrical powers; and transaction costs. British and Australian examples are followed by an outline of legal framework for PPP projects. Several options are shown: BOOT, DBFO (the most successful and the most common), and DBO. If we calculate value for money, it is obvious that previous experiences with PPP more than disputable. »Successful projects« have been and still are the result of heavy payments to the private sector. E.g. road construction with private financial initiative: initial construction costs were paid off in only three years, the private sector makes operative profit of 68%cper annum based on the contract valid for thirty years. Previous experience has shown that the state has been enthusiastic in protecting the profit interests of private investors at the expense of its citizens, i.e. in putting the private interest above the common good. The reality of this PPP form is far from perfect. Finally, the author suggests better institutionalisation of PPP processes in Croatia in order to ensure the best of imperfect contractual forms of PPP.
Ovaj diplomski rad odgovara na istraživačko pitanje: kako se razvijala proračunska transparentnost u Gradu Bjelovaru za vrijeme aktualnog mandata lokalne vlasti u periodu 2017.-2020.? Provedena je studija slučaja u kojoj su korištene dvije kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka – intervju i analiza dokumenata. Prikupljena građa kodirana je prema pravilima kvalitativne analize sadržaja. U zaključku rada iznosi se kako se razvoj proračunske politike u Bjelovaru može odrediti, iako uz neke manjkavosti, kao primjer ili aspekt dobrog upravljanja. Zajednička načela lokalne proračunske politike i koncepta dobrog upravljanja su – transparentnost i odgovornost. Četiri su glavna i relevantna elementa razvoja proračunske politike Bjelovara: transparentnost kao cilj, aplikacija Transparentno i projekt "Grad Bjelovar – najtransparentniji grad u Hrvatskoj" kao osnovni instrumenti, gradonačelnik kao ključan akter zajedno sa svojim suradnicima i građani kao glavna ciljana skupina. Upravo je iscrpan pregled difuzne i nejasne literature o konceptu dobrog upravljanja koji je relativno nov u području javnih politika, i sistematičan prikaz svih autora koji ga definiraju na različite načine, važan doprinos ovog znanstvenog rada. Ovaj rad predstavlja politološki pogled na ekonomsku temu te ističe važnost proceduralne dimenzije transparentnosti – važno je kako se odlučivalo o procesu. ; This paper attempts to provide an answer to the following research question: how did the budgetary transparency develop in the city of Bjelovar during the term of office of the current local authorities in the period between 2017 and 2020? In order to do that, a case study was undertaken, for which the two qualitative data collection methods were used – the interview and the document analysis. The collected data has been coded in accordance with the rules of qualitative data analysis. In its conclusion, this paper states that the development of budgetary transparency in the city of Bjelovar can be labeled, despite some defects, as an example of an ...
The author analyzes the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political & economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom vs the aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state & the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership & establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership & intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today's marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programs of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement & less of a viable political option. Adapted from the source document.
Otvorenost javne uprave, koja uključuje njenu vidljivost i dostupnost građanima, ali i mogućnost sudjelovanja građana u donošenju odluka, formuliranju politika i propisa, jedno je od temeljnih načela europskoga upravnog prostora. Europska unija prepoznaje otvorenost kao jedno od temeljnih načela funkcioniranja institucija na europskoj razini te potiče zemlje članice i kandidatkinje na usvajanje i ostvarivanje otvorenosti u upravnoj praksi, uglavnom putem mehanizama mekog prava. U Hrvatskoj su procesi europeizacije započeli početkom 2000-ih, a u sklopu brojnih prilagodbi javne uprave, došlo je do napretka u ostvarivanju transparentnosti i otvorenosti javne uprave, posebno u završnim fazama procesa pristupanja u članstvo Europske unije. Pitanje otvorenosti javne uprave prepoznato je kao važan preventivni mehanizam unutar antikorupcijske politike, zbog čega je postalo dijelom europske politike kondicionalnosti. Premda su mehanizmi za ostvarivanje otvorenosti brojni, jedan od najčešćih su javne konzultacije ili savjetovanje sa zainteresiranom javnošću. Provođenje javnih konzultacija predmet je regulacije na europskoj razini. Praksa Europskog suda, preporuke Europske komisije i naglašavanje suradnje i razmjene dobre prakse, bez nametanja konkretnih obvezujućih pravila, upućuje na područje tzv. horizontalne europeizacije i dominaciju mekog prava. U Hrvatskoj je provođenje savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću regulirano prvenstveno Zakonom o pravu na pristup informacijama (NN 85/15) te drugim zakonima i propisima. U normativnom pogledu, napredak je ostvaren 2009. donošenjem Kodeksa savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću u postupcima donošenja zakona, drugih propisa i akata. U pogledu implementacije, međutim, napretka nije bilo sve do izmjena Zakona o pravu na pristup informacijama 2013. i ustanovljavanja institucionalnog mehanizma za provođenje zakonskih odredbi. Usprkos tome, provedbu savjetovanja obilježavaju brojne manjkavosti, posebice na lokalnoj i regionalnoj razini, te u slučaju širokog spektra zakonom definiranih tijela javne vlasti. ; Public administration openness is one of the basic principles of the European administrative space, including public administration visibility and accessibility to citizens, as well as possibility of citizens' involvement in decision making, formulation of policies and regulations. The European Union recognizes openness as a fundamental principle for the functioning of institutions at the European level, but also encourages member and candidate states to adopt and achieve openness in the practice of national administrative organizations, mainly through soft law mechanisms. Since the 2000's, the process of Europeanization has led to numerous adjustments of the Croatian public administration, including the implementation of the principle of transparency and openness, especially during the final stages of the accession process. The issue of public administration openness has been recognized as an important preventive mechanism within the anticorruption policy and has consequently become a part of the European policy of conditionality. Although the instruments for achieving openness are numerous, one of the most common are public consultations or consultations with interested public. Public consultations are regulated at the European level. The practice of the Court of Justice of the EU, the European Commission recommendations and promotion of cooperation and good practice exchange, without concrete binding rules, indicate that it is an area dominated by the so-called horizontal Europeanization and soft law. In Croatia, public consultations are primarily regulated by the Act on the Right to Access Public Information, but also by other laws and bylaws. Normative progress has been achieved in 2009 by issuing The Code of practice on consultation with the interested public in procedures of adopting laws, other regulations and acts. With respect to implementation, improvement has not been achieved before 2013 with amendments to the Act on the Right to Access Public Information, which introduced adequate institutional mechanism for the implementation process. However, the implementation of public consultations is still defective, particularly at the local and regional level, and in the case of the broad legal category of public authorities.
Članci 34. i 35. Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije zabranjuju količinska ograničenja i mjere s istovrsnim učinkom na uvoz i izvoz između država članica. Države članice nisu u mogućnosti favorizirati ili na bilo koji drugi način staviti u prednost domaće proizvode u odnosu na proizvode drugih država članica. Ipak, ako postoji prijetnja javnom interesu, država članica može opravdano ograničiti slobodno kretanje robe. Svaka takva nacionalna mjera mora biti istovremeno nužna i proporcionalna cilju koji se želi postići. U radu se daje poseban naglasak na predmet Keck koji je podijelio sve propise na dvije skupine: na uvjete prodaje i na propise koji se odnose isključivo na proizvode. Europski sud je smatrao kako nediskriminatorni uvjeti prodaje nemaju razloga potpasti pod opseg članka 34. UFEU-a. Uvjeti prodaje su, kako je u sudskoj praksi nakon Kecka utvrđeno, propisi koji uređuju kada roba može biti prodavana, na kojem mjestu i tko tu robu može prodavati, propisi koji se tiču reklamiranja te kontrole cijena. Ova presuda bila je predmetom mnogih kritika. Sudska praksa koja je uslijedila donekle je iskristalizirala i riješila nejasnoće. Unatoč tome, nisu sva pitanja u potpunosti razjašnjena iako su vidljivi mali koraci k realističnijem pristupu mjerama s istovrsnim učinkom kao količinsko ograničenje. ; Articles 34 and 35 of the TFEU prohibit import and export restrictions between all Member States. Member States are not allowed to favour or in any other way put its domestic products at an advantage against imported products. However, if there is a threat to publich interest, such as (for example) public health or the environment, Member States may restrict the free movement of goods. Any national measure imposed must be shown to be both necessary and proportional. The article gives special emphasis to the Keck case which divided regulations into two parts: selling arrangements and product-bound measures. ECJ held that non-discriminatory national measures restricting or prohibiting selling arrangements were ...
