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The design of this research is based on the liberal pluralism belief that there should be various forms of alternative media co-existing with mainstream media, and the society benefits from having alternatives. The concept of alternative media refers to media that are independent from the political and market power. They deal with alternative topics, which are not covered in their mainstream counterparts. One of the traditions of alternative media research is to examine their potential in the formation of subaltern public sphere. ; The core question of this research is to explore the usage of online alternative media, and the link between online alternative media and the ideal of subaltern public sphere, in terms of attitude towards difference, rational discussion and civic participation. Participatory observation, online survey and case studies were applied to find out the answers. ; First of all, it is found that the usage of online alternative media is influenced by a number of factors. In addition to the gratifications sought from media usage, a heterogeneous online community is more likely to accept online alternative media, while intense use of alternative media in turn contributes to more tolerance of difference in society. ; Secondly, this research examines the relationships between online alternative media and the elements of subaltern public sphere. As the research findings suggest, under high political and economic pressure, little space is left for mainstream public sphere, while subaltern public sphere is possible with the help of online alternative media. Non-hierarchically organized and depend on voluntary work, online alternative media partly escape from political and market pressure and become the birthplace of rational public opinions. Online alternative media contribute to democratic society as they generate public space for deliberation, and cultivate the culture of participation. ; Finally, the significance of heterogeneity is emphasized. Online alternative media develop a group of media ...

過去50年,香港媒體有關藥物成癮的主要概念主要來自對海洛因(俗稱「白粉」)吸毒者的想像。「吸毒者」通常被視為「對工作和家庭不負責任」,並且被描繪成「以犯罪獲得金錢購買毒品來紓緩嚴重的斷癮症狀。」然而,近年來,大部份青少年吸毒者吸食軟性毒品如氯胺酮和搖頭丸,而非海洛因。對青少年吸毒者而言,在道德和醫學概念上的「吸毒」定義並不符合他們的毒品經驗,原因是他們在使用藥物後並無嚴重的斷癮症狀。這種傳統毒品觀念與青少年吸毒者經驗之間的「矛盾」對戒毒和預防教育產生很大障礙。 ; 本研究旨在找出現有主流媒體、戒毒機構及青少年吸毒者對「吸毒」的詮釋。本研究首先對禁毒政策進行歷史分析,以找出禁毒政策和現有的道德和醫學毒品論述之間的關係。另外,本研究對1978年至2008年的100個禁毒廣告及由1979年至2009年的26部禁毒電視新聞紀錄片進行文本及論述分析,以整合過去30年來本地媒體所運用的毒品論述。再者,本研究在一所福音戒毒中心(基督教得生團契)及一間社區戒毒輔導中心(香港路德會青欣中心)分別進行14個月及10個月民族誌考察,以檢視社工及青少年吸毒者如何運用主流媒體流行的毒品論述。 ; 本研究發現主流媒體經常使用一種包含道德及醫學論述的「過來人」敘事法(go through narrative)。這種敘事法主要以吸毒「過來人」作為關鍵主體,去描述吸毒者最「真實」的「浪子回頭」故事,並且組成了主流的「浪子回頭」論述(Prodigal Son Returns Home Discourse),為吸毒者建立了一個「浪子」身份。另外,本研究亦發現媒體中常見的「過來人」敘事法亦常被社工及戒毒過來人應用,並將吸毒定性為生活方式問題。青少年吸毒者對主流論述的「浪子」身份表現出不同程度的適應,但這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於「過來人」敘事法及其容許的論述原素(discursive components)當中。 ; 在理論層面上,本研究歸納出形成社會異類身份的主流論述所涉及的社會、組織、及互動層面的因素。而且,本研究亦歸納出在主流論述控制下,社會異類者體現自我身份自主性的策略,包括:「漠不關心」(Indifference)、「完整接受」(Adoption)、「自我適應」(Adaptation)及「自我肯定」(Affirmation)。透過靈活表述社會異類行為的性質,他們肯定個人身份及對抗主流論述。然而這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於主流論述原素當中。 ; For over 50 years, the major conception of drug addiction in Hong Kong media comes from the imaginations of heroin addiction. Drug addicts are usually presented as irresponsible for job and family, and they commit crimes to get money to buy drugs in order to relieve serious withdrawal symptoms. However, in recent years, most youth addicts use 'recreational drugs' like ketamine and ecstasy rather than heroin. The moral and disease conceptions of drug addiction are not applicable in their drug-taking experiences because many youth psychotropic drug addicts find no severe withdrawal and tolerance symptom. The 'gap' between the conventional drug discourses and the experience of youth drug users produces dissonance among addicts, drug rehabilitation and preventive education. ; This study aims at figure out the existing meanings of drug addiction in the mass media and drug rehabilitation. Firstly, a historical analysis on the government anti-drug policy was conducted to figure out the relationship between ...

Alvin Min Che Lin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 124-127). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract in English and Chinese --- p.i-ii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.v ; Photo of Tolo Harbour reclamation near Chinese University --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- "The Harbour Reclamation Debate: Introduction, Theoretical Framework and Literature Review" --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Govemment as City Planner: How and Why the Government Came to Pursue its Reclamation Plans in Victoria Harbour. Issues in Hong Kong's Town Planning System --- p.29 ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Framing the Debate: the Rise of the Harbour Protection Movement and the Government's Initial Response (October 1994 ´ؤ October1995) --- p.41 ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- "The Debate Gets Underway: Organizing, Campaigning, Lawmaking (November 1995 - June1997)" --- p.59 ; Chapter Chapter 5. --- "Continuity and Change After the Handover: Escalation, Showdown and Resolution (July 1997 - October 1999 and Beyond)" --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6. --- Discussion and Conclusion. What We Learn From the Harbour Debate Significance of the Debate for Hong Kong Politics --- p.118 ; Bibliography --- p.124 ; Appendix: ; The Protection of the Harbour Ordinance and TPB Vision Statement Table of Government Plans and Alternative Plans ; Tables: ; Chapter 1.1 --- Existing/Committed and Proposed Reclamations in Victoria Harbour in1994 --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Uses for Existing and Proposed Harbour Reclamations --- p.33 ; Figures: ; Chapter 1.1 --- Lessig's Four Elements for Regulating Behavior --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Framework Applied to the Harbour Reclamation Debate --- p.15 ; Chapter 3.1 --- "The Harbour Debate, October 1994-October1995" --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.1 --- "The Harbour Debate, November 1995 - June1997" --- p.58 ; Chapter 5.1 --- "The Harbour Debate, July 1997 ´ؤ October 1999 and Beyond" --- p.81 ; Chapter 6.1 --- How Civil Society Influenced the ...

公共事務知識對許多政治過程都有至關重要的意義。通過獲取公共事務知識,個體公民得以認清切身利益,並由此與公共生活形成一種認識論上的聯系。了解公共事務,也是公民進行有效協商和政治參與的前提。盡管西方政治傳播文獻對此多有探討,中國語境下的"知識獲取"研究卻相對匱乏。中國的媒介環境正處於劇烈變革之中:盡管國家管控依然存在,但市場化改革不斷深入,近年來互聯網逐漸跃升为信息交換、意見表達與社會動員的主流平台。媒介環境的變遷為研究"知識獲取"提供了意義豐富的語境。 ; 本研究旨在探索中國大學生通過不同傳播渠道獲取公共事務知識的机制。本研究的實證數據來源於一項針對北京、上海和廣州在校大學生的問卷調查。調查共收回1,135份有效問卷,回收率為78%。該研究使用多元回歸分析與觀察變量通經分析(Path analysis with observed variables)對樣本數據進行分析。 ; 本研究的主要發現有三個方面。首先,數據顯示新媒體渠道(如新聞網站和社交媒體)或已經開始取代傳統媒體渠道(如報紙和電視),成為最常規的新聞源。新聞獲取模式的改變,進一步導致不同媒介"致知"效果的變化。與以往研究不同,本研究發現新媒體新聞曝露可以增加使用者的公共事務知識,但傳統媒體的新聞曝露卻沒有類似效果。面對面的交談可以增加人們的公共事務知識和政治信息效能。然而社交媒體討論只能增加人們的政治信息效能,卻對實際的知識獲取沒有貢獻。 ; 其次,本研究認為,檢測媒介的"致知"效果時,將媒介使用操作化為"媒介注意力"並不一定優於"媒介曝露"。孰優孰劣取決於我們所關注的媒體類型。結果顯示,"媒介曝露"能更好地檢測新媒體對知識獲取的影響,而"媒介注意力"則更有效地檢測傳統媒體對知識獲取的影響。這個區別並不只是一個技術問題,它關涉到知識獲取研究的理論假設。不同操作化所帶來的效果區別,可能與媒介使用模式的變化以及媒介使用時信息處理模式的改變有所關聯。 ; 第三,中國公共事務知識的生產與傳播是一個政治建構的過程。媒介管控與互聯網治理則是這個建構過程的重要機制。主流媒體供給"主流知識"並以其構建一個關於社會現實的"主流認知"。研究發現,事實上還存在一部分"另類知識"。中國的媒介體系推廣"主流知識"並且減少"另類知識"流通。本研究同時發現,盡管存在管控,新媒體渠道可以散播"另類知識"。 ; Public affairs knowledge plays a vital part in many political processes. By gaining public affairs knowledge, individual citizens discern their own interests and concerns, thus epistemologically connecting themselves to public life. Knowledge about public affairs is also a prerequisite for effective deliberation and political engagement. Though it has attracted much attention in Western political communication scholarship, knowledge acquisition has not been fully extended to the context of China. Few studies have examined public affairs knowledge in China's rapidly transitioning, yet still controlled, media environment, where the Internet has lately risen to be a dominant platform for information exchange, opinion expression, and social mobilization. ; This study explores how people can gain knowledge about public affairs through different communication channels in China's complex media environment. The data come from a paper-and-pencil survey of college students in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The survey generated 1,135 valid responses, ...

Yeung Hoi-Shan Frances. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-101). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Civil society and democracy ; Chapter 2.2 --- Civil society and public/ private dichotomy ; Chapter 2.3 --- The private sphere as the cultural foundation of civil society ; Chapter 2.4 --- The boundary between public and private in Mao China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Reshaping of the boundary between public and private in post-Mao Era ; Chapter 2.6 --- The cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 2.7 --- Residents' Committees of China ; Chapter 2.8 --- Methodology ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Routines of Residents' Committees ; Chapter 3.1 --- Dongshan District: pioneer of reforming Residents' Committees in Guangzhou --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Residents' Committee X ; Chapter 3.3 --- Duties of juiwei ; Chapter 3.4 --- The one-child policy ; Chapter 3.5 --- Dengue Fever Prevention ; Chapter 3.6 --- Clearances of security nets ; Chapter 3.7 --- Leasehold house management ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Opinions of Guangzhou Residents --- p.48 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Life in the community ; Chapter 4.2 --- Ling ; Chapter 4.3 --- Mr. Peng ; Chapter 4.4 --- Mrs. Tang ; Chapter 4.5 --- Mr. Song ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Residents' Perceptions of the Private Sphere --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Four domains of the private sphere ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perceptions of the four private domains of residents ; Chapter 5.3 --- The right to private property: a shield against intrusion ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Implications for the cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations of the study and suggestions for future research ; Bibliography --- p.90

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...