Suchergebnisse

The objective is to analyze if religious orientation affects Swedish political opinion. To test for possible spurious correlation, demographic factors & ideological position are also included in the study. The study also tests the validity of functional theory & substantive theories regarding the correlation between religious orientation & political opinion. Data consists of a national mail survey (conducted by the SOM Institute at Goteborg University in 1999) to 5260 persons representing inhabitants in Sweden of age 15-80 years, of which a total of 67 percent (3503 persons) responded. The main conclusion is that religious orientations affect Swedish political opinion. Demographic factors & ideological position only explain a small amount of the significant correlation between religious orientation & political opinion. Functional theory is not supported by the empirical data, while substantive theories get strong support. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

当今,越来越多的用倾向于使用论坛、博客、脸书等在线工具来表达关于商品、电影和政治等话题的观点。这些观点不仅可以帮助用进行决策,同时也为各个商业和社会领域提供了具有重要价值的反馈信息。因此,面向观点应用成为了当前最活跃的研究领域之一,其中包括观点检索,观点摘要,观点问答。面向观点应用与面向事实应用的根本区别是信息需求的不同,分别是传统的客观信息和主观信息。所谓主观信息是指对于某个特定目标的观点或评论。为了表示主观信息,应该综合考虑观点性、主题相关性,以及观点与主题之间的关联。现有的基于词袋的表示方法将词作为描述客观信息的基本语义单元,它可以有效的表示主题相关性以满足客观信息的需求。而主观信息需要同时考虑观点性和主题相关性,由于单独一个词不能同时表示观点性和相关性,因此词不再是最小的语义单位。此外,基于词袋的表示方法忽略了词序和词义,这使得观点性和相关性两类信息通常混在一起,难以区分。因此,基于词袋方法不能够准确的表示主观信息,并严重的影响了面向观点应用的性能。 ; 本文回答了以下几个由主观信息表示不当所引发的研究问题: 1. 对于主观信息而言单个词将不再是基本语义单元,是否存在一种有效的表示方法对其进行描述? 2. 由于主观信息是观点信息和相关性信息的结合,如何利用新的表示方法来描述这二者之间的关联信息?3. 如何对主观信息进行量化,以便对文档进行检索和分析? 4. 如何在面向观点应用中实现全新的主观信息表示方法? ; 由于观点检索的结果会直接影响到其它面向观点应用的性能,因此本文从观点检索这一问题入手。首先,我们提出了一种基于句子的方法来分析词袋表示方法的局限性。以此为据,定义了一种具有丰富语义的表达方式来表示主观信息,即词对,它是由出现在同一句子中的情感词和与之关联的目标词共同组成的。然后,我们提出了一系列方法来描述和获取两类语境信息:1)观点内信息:我们给出了三种提取词对的方法以获取观点与主题的关联信息;2)观点间信息:我们提出了一种权重计算方法来度量词对间的相关程度,从而获取词对与词对之间的关系。最后,我们集成了观点内信息和观点间信息并提出了潜在情感关联模型来解决观点检索这一问题。在标准数据集上的实验结果表明,基于词对的表示方法可以有效地描述主观信息,同时潜在情感关联模型能够获取词与词之间的关联信息,从而实现了利用语境信息提高观点检索的效果。 ; 此外,我们将词对应用于观点摘要和观点问答中,标准数据集上的评测结果显示基于词对的主观信息表示方法对于其它面向观点应用也同样有效。 ; There is a growing interest for users to express their opinions about products, films, politics, by using on-line tools such as forums, blogs, facebooks, etc. These opinions cannot only help users make decisions, e.g., whether to buy a product, but also to ob-tain valuable feedback for business and social events. Today, research on opin-ion-oriented applications (OOAs) including opinion retrieval, opinion summarization and opinion question and answering is attracting much attention. The difference be-tween fact-based and opinion-oriented applications lies in users' information need. The former requires objective information and the latter subjective, which comprises of opinions or comments expressed on a specific target. To meet the need of subjective information, both opinionatedness and relevance together with the association between them should be taken into account. Existing systems represent documents in bag-of-word. However, this representation fails to distinguish ...

Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81

Ip Po Na. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-72). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

1949到1965年期间,新马和中国都经历着政治巨变。两地外交、移民、投资、货物、书刊等方面的交流,与1949年前相比明显减少,而思想观念的冲击却相应上升为主要的互动方式。从新马华人来看,"新中国"、"共产主义中国"、"崛起的亚洲大国"等各种类型的中国观的出现和冲突,成为这一现象的突出表征。各类中国观交错纷呈,相互作用,内化成为促成新马变革的动因,对新马的族群关系、政治演进、文化融合、对华政策甚至国家组成形式都带来了不同程度的影响。全书分七个篇章,作者尝试通过对新马华人中国观的历史研究,呈现新马、中国互动的变迁和活力,并重新审视这段时期中国对于新马的意义。

Hu, Peng. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-193). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendix 2 in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 14, September, 2016).

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的,有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言,影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿,國防部、國會,利益集團同媒體等等,而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說,公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉,以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮,李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性,其情緒化,變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響,不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的,自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策,也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 ; 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用,因此二者難分上下,也不分對錯,一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮,跳出理論之爭,而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析,來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處,即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式,希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 ; Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon's visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. ; Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. ; In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the ...

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...