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Loans indexed and denominated in foreign currencies were granted in Poland to those not receiving income in a foreign currency, in the period from 2000 to 2013. In this period, housing loans were the fastest growing item in bank assets in Poland. Only in the period from December 2002 to the end of 2012, the share of housing loans in the assets of banks increased more than five times, and in receivables from the non-financial sector increased fourfold. A significant change in foreign exchange rates (e.g. CHF, EUR, USD and JPY) in relation to the zloty contributed directly to the current value of the costs of operating liabilities, as well as the valuation of the total mortgage obligations relating to foreign exchange, the value of credit and its costs calculated in PLN. The significant ease of obtaining a mortgage in foreign currencies in relation to the PLN loan resulted in the entry into the group of borrowers of individuals and households who would not receive a PLN loan at the time, and would not, therefore, lead to a real estate purchase transaction. The author points out the social consequences of the emergence of a significant group of citizens burdened with high indebtedness. In his opinion, a generation of "credit slaves" emerged as a new social phenomenon - living with the awareness of a long-standing unpaid financial obligation. This limits the socio-economic activity, and builds indifference to debt, i.e. a state in which each subsequent commitment 'does not worsen' such a bad situation. The author also presents the proposals and activities of political groups and the borrower community itself aimed at solving this situation. The subject of the analysis is the scale and socio-economic effects of placing mortgage loans relating to foreign currencies on the market. The aim of the study is an attempt to identify the socio-economic effects and scale of the public policy negligence against the crisis of the so-called 'foreign currency loans'. The analysis was carried out on the data from the period 1989-2016.

The subject of the article are some of the relationships and analogies between urban space shaping and public policy making in the broad sense, both on the city (here Warsaw as a case study) and general, nationwide scale. It seems reasonable to claim that the state of public space in the physical sense to a large extent depends on the dominating concept and the performance of public policy pursued at different levels. But, vice versa, as well, i.e. the latter is often the product or in some sense reflects the established patterns of attitudes towards public places available and generally attended to, e.g. in an urban environment.

The article intends to illustrate the climate, social and primarily health effects resulting from the emission of various substances in the process of burning coal and waste, and the legal framework related to the issue of air pollution as a result of low emissions. The authors discuss also the main directions of the changes proposed in the so-called "anti-smog" law. The authors pose the thesis that Poland has still not solved problems of low emissions, despite the measures taken in the amendment to the Environmental Law. In their view, Poland still has a long way to go before it creates a low-carbon economy. The traditional use of coal in Poland hinders putting ecological changes into practice. Incineration of waste produced by households is another social pathology. Besides municipal waste, some hazardous waste also produced in households can be found. The level of environmental education is very poor in this respect. However, without significant actions, we will continue to destroy our own and our neighbours' health, contribute to climate change as some climatologists' think and pay penalties for failing to meet ecological commitments to the European Union as well.

The article aims to observe the purpose and subject of "public policy sciences" from the perspective of living space. The role of housing policy and settlement in this respect is at the core of the paper reasoning. It requires reflection on the relationships of social, housing and settlement policies, and their location on the background of other elements and disciplines of social sciences in the context of living. Public policy relations of a systemic, political, economic and social character, as well as of natural and ecological one, which complement the concept of sustainable development, are also discussed. This concept focused more than ever on a fair and decent habitation of successive generations, by substantially increasing the role of housing and settlement policy, highlights that the aim and subject of "the public policy sciences" is the living space.

Sphere of values and related to them determinants of policy making constitute current issues in the social sciences. The author presents good practices in terms of partnerships among actors in the process of creation, implementation and evaluation of public policy, emphasizing their axiological foundations. This is primarily applicable in the knowledge sector which is an area particularly sensitive on the institutional ground because of great aspirations of the creators engaged. The article explains the concept of the knowledge sector using a group of related terms such as knowledge society, information society, knowledge-based economy, knowledge management and formulates a number of recommendations for development of this sector. The author presents the institutional structure of the knowledge sector in functional terms with emphasis on the demand of their greater integration in the pro-development activities. Subsequently, there is a presentation of constitutional norms, based on which the social dialogue and partnership are suggested as fundamental principles in the knowledge sector. The author examines the mission of the state emphasizing the importance of its role as a guarantor of these values and rules. Finally, the article presents the instruments of public policy towards the knowledge sector focusing on the importance of the principles and best practices in cooperation between public policy makers and their social partners – the creators of knowledge.

Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed.

Objective: The aim of the paper is to present an analysis of the research policy of the USA, understood as the integral part of the US public policy. This is the way it has been presented in recent publications in the field.Research design and methods: Research policy might be an effective means of stimulating socio-economic development. The literature review helps to define the distinctive features of the American research policy.Reasoning: The paper starts with an overview of publications appreciating the role of new technologies. The activities of the federal government are then analyzed with the emphasis on stimulating and supporting innovations in the US. The exploration of the connections between technological progress and economic cycles completes the analysis.Findings: In contrast to some popular claims, 21st century technological progress is driven not only by the invisible hand of the market but also by the often neglected interventions of the government.Implications and recommendations: Innovations require some form of public authorities support. It is vital to remember that this support should be broadly understood, including for example even the early stages of education. ; Celem jest zaprezentowanie polityki naukowej USA jako integralnej części polityki publicznej USA, tak jak jest ona postrzegana w najnowszych publikacjach dotyczących tej problematyki.Problem i metody badawcze: Polityka naukowa może być narzędziem stymulującym rozwój społeczno‑ekonomiczny. Zastosowany przegląd literatury przedmiotu z XXI wieku pozwala na odnalezienie istotnych cech amerykańskiej polityki naukowej.Proces wywodu: Artykuł rozpoczyna omówienie publikacji podkreślających znaczenie nowoczesnych technologii. Następnie omówiono działania władz federalnych mających na celu pobudzenie i wspieranie innowacyjności w USA. Związki postępu technologicznego z cyklami gospodarczymi podsumowują znaczenie polityki naukowej.Wyniki analizy naukowej: Wbrew prezentowanym czasem opiniom – w XXI wieku o postępie technologicznym decyduje nie tylko niewidzialna ręka rynku, ale także często niedostrzegana interwencja rządu.Wnioski, rekomendacje, innowacje: Innowacyjność wymaga wsparcia ze strony władz publicznych, przy czym należy pamiętać, że wspieranie innowacyjności dotyczyć powinno szerokiego spektrum działań, obejmującego i wstępne poziomy edukacji.

The paper presents the idea of the "silver economy" as an economic system related to population ageing and highlights the features of this policy idea. The study first describes the discourse and stages of the process of constructing this system by international and national actors of the public policy on ageing. Next, a critical analysis of the dimensions and areas of implementation and development of the silver economy as a policy concept was provided together with a review of its external and internal limitations. The conclusion includes suggestions for the future research directions.

The author analyses the process of Europeanization in the field of public policy defining it as a systematic policy diffusion, policy transfer and policy convergence of the EU's and Western patterns of policy interventions and policy ideas as well as policy solutions. He indicates that the Europeanization – all by itself – does not guarantee the automatic improvement of policy outcome and more effective public interventions in a given country (as a way of ensuring a higher level of capacity to generate a better proportion between resources in use and benefits). The EU's public policy – as a policy activity initiated by the Union's institutions – has a different structure from that of policies on the country level, as a result, it affects them in a rather selective way. Above all, the European institutions do not have a significant influence on such a stage of policy cycle like policy implementation (except the area of legislation and its compliance with the EU law). Keywords: public policy, Europeanization, nation state ; Autor analizuje proces europeizacji w polityce publicznej. Definiuje go jako systematyczne przenikanie, a także transfer oraz konwergencję unijnych i zachodnich wzorców działania publicznego oraz pomysłów i rozwiązań problemów. Wskazuje, że europeizacja – niejako sama z siebie – nie zapewnia bezpośrednio mechanizmu podnoszenia efektywności działań publicznych w danym państwie (w sensie podnoszenia zdolności do uzyskiwania większych korzyści z wydanych środków). Unijna polityka publiczna – rozumiana jako działania inicjowane przez instytucje unijne – ma bowiem inną konstrukcję niż polityka krajowa, a tym samym oddziałuje na nią w dość selektywny sposób. Przede wszystkim instytucje unijne nie posiadają znaczącego wpływu na ten etap kształtowania polityki, jakim jest implementacja (poza kwestiami zgodności krajowego porządku prawnego z unijnym prawodawstwem).

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors – the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and theinstitutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups andbackstage actors of politics. ; Autor analizuje czynniki, które osłabiają oddziaływanie zasad merytokracji na instytucje i politykę państwa. Wskazuje, że merytokratyczne podejście do rządzenia, w tym programowania działań publicznych, jedynie w ograniczonym zakresie stało się zasobem służącym do uzyskiwania prawomocności władzy w Polsce. Atuty merytokracji (jak "wydajność" i "sprawiedliwość") nie zostały w tym celu uruchomione w znaczącej skali. W konsekwencji doszło do znaczącego delegitymizowania prawomocności ustroju demokratycznego, a także osłabienia identyfikacji społeczeństwa z państwem. Miarą tego zjawiska jest m.in. niski prestiż polityków i duża absencja wyborcza. Autor zwraca uwagę na to, że mechanizmy zarządzania merytokratycznego w instytucjach publicznych w Polscesą znacząco zredukowane z uwagi na oddziaływanie wielu czynników – zawłaszczaniepaństwa przez partie polityczne, instytucjonalny nomadyzm elit, reguły kapitalizmupolitycznego, miękkie państwo i instytucjonalizację nieodpowiedzialności lub działańrozmaitych grup interesu i zakulisowych podmiotów polityki.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.

The problem of enclaves/enclaves in the theory of IR opens an interesting field of study, not only because of the actual phenomena and processes accompanying the formation of said entities, but also due to inaccuracies and variances in the very terms in use, especially in the field of public policy. The Kaliningrad Oblast is either an enclave (from the point of view of the EU, NATO, as well as Poland and Lithuania), or an exclave (from the point of view of the Russian Federation). The status of the region as perceived by the Western countries and organisations differs from the Russian standpoint. The Kaliningrad Oblast always would be a region of external influences of the West, an element of their foreign, security and economic policies, while for Russia Kaliningrad is a sphere of its domestic governance, although shaped by many international determinants resulting from its geographical location. This paper is aimed at examining public policy of the EU and neighbouring countries towards the Kaliningrad Oblast in the context of its specific geographical location and legal status. Possibilities of the region's incorporation in the EU's neighbourhood is also emphasized in the paper as an important factor affecting the position of the Kaliningrad Oblast.

The problem of enclaves/enclaves in the theory of IR opens an interesting field of study, not only because of the actual phenomena and processes accompanying the formation of said entities, but also due to inaccuracies and variances in the very terms in use, especially in the field of public policy. The Kaliningrad Oblast is either an enclave (from the point of view of the EU, NATO, as well as Poland and Lithuania), or an exclave (from the point of view of the Russian Federation). The status of the region as perceived by the Western countries and organisations differs from the Russian standpoint. The Kaliningrad Oblast always would be a region of external influences of the West, an element of their foreign, security and economic policies, while for Russia Kaliningrad is a sphere of its domestic governance, although shaped by many international determinants resulting from its geographical location. This paper is aimed at examining public policy of the EU and neighbouring countries towards the Kaliningrad Oblast in the context of its specific geographical location and legal status. Possibilities of the region's incorporation in the EU's neighbourhood is also emphasized in the paper as an important factor affecting the position of the Kaliningrad Oblast.

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza działań podejmowanych na poziomie UE, dotyczących otwierania cyfrowych zasobów, takich jak wytwory kultury, prace naukowe bądź materiały edukacyjne, wraz z rozpoznaniem ich motywów oraz skutków. Unia Europejska, w której tworzy się wiele dzieł należących do każdej z wymienionych dziedzin i która przyznaje, że są to zasoby strategiczne dla jej rozwoju, podejmuje działania w zakresie polityki publicznej w celu zachowania równowagi pomiędzy interesem publicznym (społecznym), czyli dostępem do owych zasobów, jak i interesem prywatnym, a więc prawami właścicieli. Ze względu na odmienny charakter i miejsce tych zasobów w gospodarce, działania te nie mają jednorodnego charakteru. Zasobami naukowymi i edukacyjnymi zajęto się około 10 lat wcześniej niż zasobami kultury. Również interes społeczny, czyli dostęp odbiorców, okazał się w ich wypadku ważniejszy niż prywatne prawa własności.

The premise of the article is that the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, among others, will highlight the shortcomings in public policies in Poland. It is also assumed that public policies include actions of the authorities towards artists. The status of artists as a target group of public policy in a democratic system is diagnosed as well as the process of creating regulations for the status of a professional artist in Poland is described. The subject of a detailed analysis are the decisions of the Polish government regarding artists in the years 2020-2021. Technical, formal, and media problems of the authorities with the distribution of aid funds for artists in Poland are related to the lack of a law definition of an artist in the Polish social security system, and more broadly, in public policies. Due to the fact that the legislative work on the artist's status has not been completed before the 5th wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, problems in managing public aid for artists in Poland are expected to reoccur.