Suchergebnisse

Data from the 1977 national election survey of Dutch voters are used to test a hypothetico-deductive model of party preference formation, based on the supposition that voters tend to express a preference for the parties with which their views on a particular set of issues are most consistent. The parties examined are the PvdA (Labor), CDA (Christian Democratic), & VVD (Conservative-Liberal). Multiple-regression analysis allows explanation of about 40% of differences in party preference between voters on the basis of voters' stands on issues. Comparison of voters' stands & perceived party stands appears to predict expressed party preference adequately in 69% of cases. These results give support for the view that human behavior is not blindly mechanistic, but involves some minimal level of reflection. Consideration of methodological problems leads to the conclusion that relatively simple models resting on clear theoretical assumptions are preferable to more sophisticated models, which have less solid theoretical foundations & do not gain in explanatory or predictive power. 11 Tables, 1 Graph, Appendix. Modified HA.

Results from the 1986 parliamentary elections in the Netherlands are examined to assess the impact on voting behavior of several major factors: pillarization, based on religion & SC; issues; candidate orientations; & ideology. The importance of religion & SC has declined since the 1950s, with religious voters supporting secular parties & secular voters also supporting religious parties, especially the Christian Democrats. Issues & economic ideology are strongly related to party choice; candidate orientations also have some influence. Each of these perspectives explains part of voter behavior; together they yield two discriminant functions, one correlated with Left-Right orientation, various political issues, & support for various candidates, the other with religiosity & abortion attitudes. Together, these discriminant functions correctly classify 52% of voters by party preferences. 20 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA

In een tijd dat het studenten Nederlands verboden of afgeraden wordt om in hun moedertaal over hun vak te schrijven, is het een klein mirakel dat we als KWALON-redactie erin slagen driemaal per jaar uit te komen met Nederlandstalige artikelen. Als redacteuren ervaren we de druk tot 'verengelsing' voortdurend, want voor veel auteurs 'loont' een bijdrage in KWALON niet. Voor dergelijke teksten ontvang je geen punten in het universitaire digitale boekhoudsysteem, dat zicht biedt op de productiviteit van een universiteit. Met het publiceren van een Engelstalige tekst scoor je niet alleen in eigen land, maar ook daarbuiten. De 'verengelsing' van het universitaire systeem lijkt deel uit te maken van een globaliseringsproces, waarnaar niet enkel universiteiten in Nederland zich schikken, maar ook universiteiten elders in Europa of andere werelddelen. En ook de jeugd van tegenwoordig lijkt zich daarnaar te plooien, wat onder andere zichtbaar werd in de vele Engelstalige slogans die tijdens klimaatdemonstraties werden meegedragen. Het roept de vraag op of het zinvol is om door te gaan met een Nederlandstalig tijdschrift dat zich beperkt tot een Nederlandstalig publiek en gespecialiseerd is in discussie en reactie rond kwalitatief onderzoek. Informatie over kwalitatief onderzoek is immers ook toegankelijk via vele Engelstalige tijdschriften.

This is a next, annual installment in a series, published regularly since 1978, of overviews of Belgian politics in a given year. This 2004 overview discusses the main topics & issues that preoccupied the government of Guy Verhofstadt, formed in a three-party coalition -- Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten ([VLD] Flemish Liberals and Democrats), Socialistische Partij Anders ([SP.A] Socialist Party Differently), & Sociaal, Progressief, Internationaal, Regionalistisch, Integraal-democratisch en Toekomstgericht ([Spirit]Social, Progressive, International, Regional, Integral-Democratic, and Future Justice) -- following the national election in May 2003: (1) immigrants' voting rights, (2) the controversy over Zaventem airport expansion requested by the German shipping company DHL, (3) redistricting/splitting of the Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde electoral district, (4) unemployment compensation, family policy, tax restructuring, & other social & fiscal issues pertaining to the 2005 budget, (5) environmental policy, (6) the implications of the regional & EU elections of 13 June 2004, (7) public safety & defense matters, (8) regional government/jurisdiction & civil service reforms & other matters of home policy, & (9) internal party politics. Z. Dubiel

The present article presents an actual discussion of topics concerning the use of language in academic (Flemish and Dutch-speaking) social- and political education, treating impact factor and web of science indexes motivating publishing in English, and the weight of cultural and scientific heritage influencing Dutch-language publications to continue to inform the public better. The article states that only by continuing to publish in English, Anglo-Saxon "dominance" in political publications can be countered, and challenge the ideas, concepts and practices expressed by the US and the UK. An article that goes right to the core of this particular revue, Res Publica being the only Dutch-language double blind peer reviewed journal in Dutch/Flemish political science. References. O. van Zijl

Following some general observations on the growing secularization of Western societies & after producing statistical data documenting the percentages of Muslim populations in Belgium & the Netherlands, three major issues are addressed from a Belgian perspective: (1) Islam bashing in the context of the recognition of freedom of religions & worldviews in a modern democratic society, (2) policies & attitudes toward visible religious symbols worn in public places; the banning of the hijab (the headscarf worn by Muslim females) in Antwerp public schools, & (3) the degree of separation between state & religion in Belgium. It is argued that the Islamic religion should not be associated with violence, terrorism, or oppression of women; Islam should be integrated on equal rights with other religions into the Belgian society, while emancipative & liberal movements within it should be actively supported. The banning of head scarves for Muslim teachers & students in Flanders is assessed from the broader perspective of similar policies, either implemented or planned, in France, Germany, & other European countries. Articles from the Belgian constitution are quoted to illustrate that the separation between state & religion in this country is incomplete; although the government adopts a neutral stance toward all worldviews, the state recognizes six official religions whose practice is partially supported with tax-payer's money & their clergy receive state pension; the favoring of the Catholic Church in this arrangement is pointed out. It is concluded on a general note that despite the secularization of the society, religious issues figure prominently in the public sphere. Z. Dubiel