Suchergebnisse

This working paper investigates public policies that precede the rise of populism. A mixedmethod research design is applied: on the one hand, we use data from international surveys and databanks to explore the policy–populism nexus from a comparative European perspective. On the other hand, country case studies have been prepared to understand the country-specific historical and socio-economic features of populism and its potential policy roots. Four countries were selected as national case studies: two EU member states (Greece and Hungary) because of a strong, long-term support of populist parties; one EU member state (Lithuania), where support of populist parties remain moderate, although historical and socio-economic features suggest a likely rise of populism; and one country (Turkey) that exhibits the potential hybridization tendencies of populism and the role of policies in the shift from democratic towards authoritarian regimes. We found that the content of policies were weak predictors of the rise of populism. Country-specific measures were more important predictors than policy ideas. At the same time, our results demonstrate that the lack of activation policies may be a strong predictor of welfare populist attitudes of citizens, and the exclusion of a significant proportion of young people from the labour market clearly feeds populist attitudes. Another important finding is that crisis management policies matter, but not the socio-economic crisis in itself: the management of crisis by non-elected policy experts, through technocratic governance methods, will likely trigger populism. This is particularly true in societies where political polarization is high

A szélsőjobboldali populizmus közép- és kelet-európai előretörését és választási kontúrjait magyarázó irodalom egyre növekvő mennyisége ellenére a kutatók csak szórványos ismeretekkel rendelkeznek a szélsőjobboldal tömegkommunikációs csatornáiról és média diskurzusairól. Több országra kiterjedő, összehasonlító jellegű kutatásokra különösen szükség lenne annak érdekében, hogy nagyobb betekintést nyerjünk a szélsőjobboldali populizmus mai jellemzőibe. A projekt ezt a rést tölti ki egy Romániára és Magyarországra összpontosító átfogó elemzés elvégzésével. A kutatás célkitűzése kettős volt. Egyfelől a kutatók elvégezték a szélsőjobboldali média diskurzus jellemzőinek elemzését. Másfelől célul tűzték ki a szélsőjobboldali populista média megjelenések az általános média szféra hálózati struktúrájában elfoglalt helyzetének meghatározását. A kutatók célja a régió egyik legfontosabb közügyének, a szélsőjobboldali populizmus kommunikációs konstrukciójának és a közszférában elfoglalt helyzetének a feltárása volt. A két évig tartó empirikus kutatás fő kérdése az volt, hogy milyen különbségek illetve hasonlóságok vannak a szélsőjobboldali populizmus magyarországi és romániai média megjelenésében. A kérdés megválaszolására kvantitatív és kvalitatív módszereket egyaránt igénybe vettek a 3 román - Adrian Nastase elítélése, - Funar és Vadim Tudor között belső pártkonfliktusa, - Bodgan Diaconu új pártalapítása, és a 3 magyar - Paksi atomerőmű bővítése, - Kovács Béla európai parlamenti képviselő kémügye, - megismételt ózdi polgármester választás téma vizsgálata során. A gyűjteményben mind egyes témához három file – egy korpusz, egy kódkönyv és adatbázis – tartozik.

A Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) az MTA TK Politikatudományi Intézetében működik, célja a magyar közpolitika dinamikájának feltárása a különböző közpolitikai és politikai napirendek kvantitatív társadalomtudományi eszközökkel történő vizsgálatával. Mindehhez az Egyesült Államokban Frank Baumgartner és Bryan Jones nevével fémjelzett Policy Agendas Project közpolitikai tartalomelemző kódkönyvét adaptálja hazai környezetben. A kutatás azt célozza, hogy konzisztens adatbázist hozzon létre a magyar közpolitikai folyamatok meghatározó aktorai – így a parlament, a média és a közvélemény szereplői – számára meghatározó ügyekről. A mérések megbízhatóságát az egyértelműen megszabott, koherens kódolási szabályok garantálják, amelyek révén a kormányzat prioritásainak változásai időben és közpolitikai területenként konzisztens módon nyomon követhetők. A Költségvetések és zárszámadások (1991-2013) adatbázis az 1991 és 2013 közötti évekre vonatkozó elfogadott magyar költségvetésekről és zárszámadásokról nyújt tájékoztatást. Az adatbázisban szereplő legfontosabb változók az alábbiakra terjednek ki: a költségvetési év, amelyben a költségvetési elem hatályban volt (year), a költségvetési és zárszámadási elemek közpolitikai tartalma (majortopic és subtopic), az "előirányzatcsoport" neve (appropriation_group), a "kiemelt előirányzat" neve (headline_appropriation), a kiadási tétel költségvetési értéke a végleges elszámolás szerint (expenditure), valamint a bevételi tétel költségvetési értéke a végleges elszámolás szerint (revenue). Az adatbázis a későbbiekben a 2014-2018 között, valamint az 1990 előtt elfogadott dokumentumokkal is kiegészül. A kutatás honlapja:https://cap.tk.mta.hu/en

The integrity advisers are the central actors of integrity management systems of the administrative organizational structure, whose main task is to promote the implementation of the integrity approach within state administration institutions. As a complementary part of this task, we can separate the tasks of corruption prevention and the improvement of organizational integrity, of which the latter being discussed in more detail in this research and presentation. Integrity advisers play a key role in the development of organizational culture among public administration bodies, such as bodies exercising administrative authority. Looking at the topic more closely, with regard to the activities of integrity advisers, it can be clearly established that one of the engines of their operation is the proper and deep communication, which is not only necessary within the public administration and inter-agency transactions, but it also means communication activities that can be interpreted in the relationship between the public and clients. Equally important is their training and other activities aimed at developing staff awareness, relationships, situation assessment and action practices, which, in addition to and in part within public service training, provide an opportunity to shape organizational culture. The presentation and the paper aims to show the role of integrity advisors in developing organizational culture and transparency in the administration based on recent research experience about online presence of integrity advisors and in-depth interview surveys.

Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.

The legal relationship between civil servants and the state, is not governed by the theory of sovereignty, which is relevant in the outer relationships between the state and its citizens, though it has some, limited effect on the inner relationships between the civil servant and the state organ, as well. The inner relationship falls into the category of "dependent work" and therefore civil servants must enjoy the employment rights generally applicable to employees with some alterations. Among such rights, two are investigated more closely in the paper: protection against unjust dismissal and collective rights of workers (right to organise, right to bargain collectively, and right to strike). In 2010 the Hungarian state modified its regulations on civil servants and introduced dismissal without notice referring to the argument that the parties of the legal relationship must be treated equally and because the civil servant can resign from its position without notice, the same right should be enjoyed by the state, as well. The Hungarian Constitutional Court and European Court of Justice nullified this law because of violating the right to work, the right to human dignity, and the right to hold public positions. The regulations on collective rights of civil servants have been systematically violated by the Hungarian legislator since 1992, when the first regulation on civil servants passed. Until 2011 the right to organise has been enjoyed without disturbance by civil servants but since than the state has organise the Bar of Hungarian Civil Servants into which all civil servants are obliged to enter. Because the Bar has rights which are usually considered to be union rights, therefore the Bar is a competitor of the civil servants' unions; consequently the regulations on the Bar violate the right to organise. The right to bargain collectively has never been enjoyed by unions of civil servants since 1992, despite such right is generally applied in developed countries app. since 1960-1970s and is also accepted by the international conventions on social and economic rights. The right to strike is also restricted by the Agreement on Right to Strike in Civil Service (1994) which prohibits the rights to strike far beyond the limits established by the Fundamental Law and the Act on Right to Strike (Act No. VII of 1989). Alternative methods of collective dispute settlement (mediation, arbitration) are also neglected by the Hungarian legal regime.

This study is a continuation of the previously published paper in the Central European Publications No. 35, and No. 43. The study is a continuation of the previously published paper in the Central European Publications No. 35, which presented the political controversies about the codifing of the Trianon Peace Treaty and that massive pressure exerted on Hungary by the great powers for the purpose of making it. The antecedents of the ratification process and the entry into force of the Peace Treaty were the result of more than one year's process. The first study describes the period from 4th June 1920, the signing of the peace treaty, till 26th October 1920, the referral of the peace treaty to the National Assembly. The second study detailed the content of the ratification bill and its justification. Described further developments regarding the ratification of the Trianon Peace Treaty, opinions of leading Hungarian politicians and the decisions of the National Assembly Committee, which determined Hungarian political life and influenced the daily life of the public until the commencement of the National Assembly ratification debate. This study continues the previous one and presents the details of the ratification debate, on 13 November 1920. Details the pre-debate press news, the expectations of the public, statements by the chairmen of the National Assembly Committees. Than it describes and analyzes the detailed discussion, the arguments of the opposing politicians who did not support ratification. These speeches point to the fatal flaws of the peace treaty, the measures that have befallen the Hungarians for a century in its brutality.

The public administration, in particular to the administrative procedure follows a firm objective: to create of the customer friendly approach. Also, there is more and more emphasis recently on improving the efficiency and speed of the procedure. These are the two most important keywords of the decision planning and documentation. The aim of the research in this scientific paper is to detect and analyse the decision-making methods, concurrently being ready to incorporate them into the national administrative procedure systems. These methods are to provide lawful and effectively applicable alternative dispute settlement methods ready to use in Hungarian legal system and also to assist - apart form the aim to reach the basic aims of the administrative procedure - to create a fundament of the decisions made by the authority, having regard to circumstances in real life cases, viewpoint of customers and other parties, and the balance of the public interest. The scope of the paper also covers the theoretical and practical aspects of general mediation and mediation in administrative procedure, in view with the appearance of the topic within the renewing and current administrative procedural law regime. While examining the mediation in administrative procedure in a novel point of view, this work also analyses the role of this special type of mediation in terms of efficiency and charactesistics of the current and future legal solutions in administartive cases often involving parties with adverse interests. Conclusions and proposions in the paper may provide contribution to the spreading and correct treatment of alternative decision making methods in the administrative procedure. The publication of this scientific paper supported by the ÚNKP-16-1 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry of Human Capacities (Hungary).

This research investigates the interaction between the effects of wording and other elements of framing on public attitudes toward asylum policies. In particular, we focus on the labels of asylum-seekers and the discourse about the recent refugee crisis in Europe. In 2015 and 2016, we conducted two survey-experiments in Hungary where mass migration was the major issue on the political agenda at the time of the surveys. The salience of the issue was manipulated in both studies. Earlier findings have indicated that even words with the same meaning could prompt different interpretations in specific contexts. In contrast, we show that even large effects of wording, even if they are driven by differential meaning, can be suppressed by other elements of framing. The paper with the scientific results of this collection are currently under anonymous review. After the review process, the author of this collection will be revealed.

Sports organizations are entities conventionally based on civil, non-governmental initiatives, and operating in non-profit legal forms. Concurrently with the strengthening business characteristics of sports, for-profit companies started to spread in increasing numbers. Currently, in Hungary sports organizations can be operated in the form of sports associations, business entities and public-benefit foundations for special purposes. The operating frameworks of sports organizations are currently defined in legal regulations. Business entities belong to the scope of the Act on Business Associations and other business-related legislation, whereas sports associations are subject to the Civil Act and the Civil Code. Obviously, the operation of sports organizations is also strongly influenced by the Sports Act. In consequence, it can be ascertained that the operation of sports organizations today is fairly strictly regulated. This publication has been written to describe the regulations relating to the organizations of the sports associations still constituting the majority of sports organizations, from the beginnings until the evolution of today's system.

Sports organizations are entities conventionally based on civil, non-governmental initiatives, and – using one of today's fashionable expressions – operating in nonprofit legal forms. Concurrently with the strengthening business characteristics of sports, for-profit companies started to spread in increasing numbers. At the present, in Hungary sports organizations can be operated in the form of sports associations, business entities and public-benefit foundations for special purposes. In view of sport-related services, it can be claimed that they have become integrated and dynamically developing areas of the economy, and as one specific consequence sports enterprises as for-profit business entities have appeared among sports organizations. Sports enterprises are typically active in team sports, especially in the field of spectator sports, while most of their business-like economic activities are associated with competitive sports. Today's Hungarian sports enterprises are in quest of the ways of successful operation both when selecting the legal form of operation and setting up their organizational structures. This article has been written to present and describe successful – in this case German – organizational options.

Before 1990, the reform-opposition criticizes the government that they want to stimulate the capital inflow instead of real reforms. The author in her earlier work published in January 1990 underlined, that there is no royal way which is without suffering. To control the inequilibrium in the economy one has to introduce real reforms of ownership, in public financ to create a more balanced budget and liberalize the role of prices. After the political changes one political wing urged the quick privatisation saying that the state is no good owner. Because there was no financing capacity at the housholds, saving was very limited, the quick privatisation led to a high foreign ownership int he enterprise sector. The country- as other Central European Countries (CEC-s) relied havily on foreign capital both FDI and lending. It was partly necessary, partly dangerous. Technical modernisation was important but the foreign – owned firms often repatriate their profit. Hungarian GDP difers from GNI strongly, compared to OECD countries. The over-reliance on foreign capital coases problems for both economy and society.

After the change of the regime in Hungary, significant restructuration occurred in the field of polity and public administration. Current, well-known structures of local governments and its supporting administrations have been formulated as a result of this process. The structure has been changed, but only partly, as habituations did not allow an overall change. Due to the recognition of this fact, ÁROP programme had been launched since 2007 in several periods, which supported the efforts in organization development of municipalities and local administration. However, the expected success failed, since the long term upkeep of changes was not established, or the needed commitment did not exist. Responsibility of organization development enterprises is not unimportant at all. Our organization worked out several studies in the frame of ÁROP programme. Careful investigation of the current situation is the establishment and precondition of organization development. This is followed by the elaboration of the conception. These can be carried out by several methods as adapted questionnaires, targeted interviews, focus group interviews, working day record, document analysis, SWOT analysis, life cycle analysis and at last but not least CAF questionnaire. Methods to be applied from these have to be selected according to the aims of the research.

Based primarily on election campaigns, public opinion surveys (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) and the official election results, this study analyses how and to what extent the Institutional Revolutionary Party, that governed Mexico for more than 70 years, has lost power. To what extent can the elections of 2000, that changed the political system, be considered as a break with the past or part of an on-going process? Why did the PRI achieve the worst election results in its history in 2006? What new political dividing lines were formed in Mexico after the disappearance of the hegemony of the PRI? What can we expect at the 2012 presidential elections? ; Választási kampányok, közvélemény kutatások (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) és a hivatalos választási eredmények segítségével a tanulmány azt elemzi, hogy az 1920 - es években megalakult, később nevét PRI-re változtató politikai erő, amely több mint 70 éven át kormányozta Mexikót, hogyan illetve milyen mértékben szorult ki a hatalomból. Mennyire tekinthető a 2000-es rendszerváltás a múlttal való szakításnak, törésnek, illetve egy folyamat részének? Miért szerepelt a PRI még rosszabbul 2006-ban? Milyen új politikai választóvonalak jöttek létre Mexikóban a PRI hegemóniájának szétfoszlásával? Mi várható 2012-es elnökválasztásokon?

This is an exploratory study of populist political movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár, since November 2019 only Sme rodina). The paper first locates this movement into a lose concept/sui generis family of political parties (the niche party), arguing in contrast to some typologies that this is primarily protest populist party presenting some niche issues, and only secondarily, an entrepreneurial party. The paper also answers the question why this party is considered as being populist by many political and non-political actors and analysts. The paper also suggests that there is actually non-existent, but assumed direct correlation between the support for this party and the decline in the standard of living, as sometimes presented in public discourse. In contrast, it is suggested here that there may be stronger links between relative poverty, feeling of being abandoned by political elites/parties, and low educational levels. Moreover, there played an important role previous knowledge (celebrity status) of the party leader who was often presented and discussed in tabloid media. For this reason, many young females voted for this party. The party also managed to raise a widely perceived problematic issue that was seen as not tackled sufficiently or at all by the previous governments and other competing political parties (the niche or salient issue).