Suchergebnisse

In double columns. ; Cover title. ; "Delivered in the House of Assembly, the 20th and 21st June, 1888." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

"Printed by order of the Legislative Assembly." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Signed: A. Hawkins. ; Copy of testimonials and orders for Alfred Hawkins' "Plan of the Naval and Military Operations before Quebec in 1759," and a list of subscribers. ; At head of title: Copy-right secured according to Act of Parliament of Canada. ; "This work has received the most distinguished Patronage ." ; "India Proofs $10.--Proofs $7 1/2." ; "Copies are ready for delivery to Subscribers ." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

This research analyzes the preconditions and forms of women's advocacy within the state, based on a comparative study of the activities of governmental bodies in charge of furthering women's status in France and Quebec since the 1960s. The theoretical framework integrates a comparative and historical sociology of the state with inputs from sociolegal studies, social movements theory and the sociology of gender. The research draws on archives, as well as interviews with the heads and administrations of these governmental bodies. Beyond an analysis of the genesis and institutionalization of women's advocacy within the state, the main focus is on the way « women's cause » is defined in this particular institutional setting. In this respect, based on the comparative analysis of women's policy in France and Quebec, two different definitions of women's cause (or « referentials ») can be identified, the former focusing on equal employment, and the latter on financial autonomy. These differences, in so far as they relate to distinct attitudes towards family issues, can be linked to differences in the relationships between feminism and familialism in each sociohistorical context. Indeed, comparative analysis shows that the context-specific balance of powers and the various relationships that may unfold between women's rights advocates and family values advocates, within and without the state (state agencies, social movements, experts), influence the way women's cause is conceived within the state. First inferred from an analysis of the general directions of women's policy, this influence is then demonstrated based on a more specific study of the strategies developed by women's policy agencies in the legal debates regarding the financial consequences of divorce (alimony, compensatory allowance, definition of the matrimonial regimes). ; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux conditions de possibilité et aux modalités de défense de la cause des femmes dans l'appareil d'Etat, à partir d'une étude comparative des instances ...

This research analyzes the preconditions and forms of women's advocacy within the state, based on a comparative study of the activities of governmental bodies in charge of furthering women's status in France and Quebec since the 1960s. The theoretical framework integrates a comparative and historical sociology of the state with inputs from sociolegal studies, social movements theory and the sociology of gender. The research draws on archives, as well as interviews with the heads and administrations of these governmental bodies. Beyond an analysis of the genesis and institutionalization of women's advocacy within the state, the main focus is on the way « women's cause » is defined in this particular institutional setting. In this respect, based on the comparative analysis of women's policy in France and Quebec, two different definitions of women's cause (or « referentials ») can be identified, the former focusing on equal employment, and the latter on financial autonomy. These differences, in so far as they relate to distinct attitudes towards family issues, can be linked to differences in the relationships between feminism and familialism in each sociohistorical context. Indeed, comparative analysis shows that the context-specific balance of powers and the various relationships that may unfold between women's rights advocates and family values advocates, within and without the state (state agencies, social movements, experts), influence the way women's cause is conceived within the state. First inferred from an analysis of the general directions of women's policy, this influence is then demonstrated based on a more specific study of the strategies developed by women's policy agencies in the legal debates regarding the financial consequences of divorce (alimony, compensatory allowance, definition of the matrimonial regimes). ; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux conditions de possibilité et aux modalités de défense de la cause des femmes dans l'appareil d'Etat, à partir d'une étude comparative des instances ...

Abstract
Constituent relations is a major component of representative democracy. From a normative point of view, elected politicians need to communicate with their represented. By creating unmediated and inexpensive pathways for communication, ict s would then encourage more direct forms of communication between constituents and their representatives. In this article, we propose to see if political actors take citizen practices into account to propose them an online constituent communication that corresponds to their online practices. Our case study concerns the uses of digital media by provincial deputies (Quebec mna s) in their relationship with their constituency. The consequence of our results are discussed in the Discussion section.

AbstractThis article describes the design and analysis of web‐based choice experiments that examine how the demand for earthquake protection in Quebec and British Columbia (BC), Canada, is influenced by the default option and the structure of the insurance plan. Homeowners in both provinces were given the opportunity to purchase protection against earthquake losses when presented with one of the following options: the current private insurance plan and proposed public–private Risk Pools with different levels of the public layer. The default frame was changed so the homeowner could either opt‐in by purchasing this coverage or opt‐out of being given this protection and receiving a premium discount. Assigning participants to the public–private Risk Pools rather than the current private insurance plan increases the likelihood of purchasing earthquake insurance protection by an odds ratio of 2.7 or greater in BC and Quebec. Furthermore, opt‐out enrollment design substantially increases take‐up of earthquake protection relative to opt‐in enrollment. The policy implications of these findings are discussed.

What is the main reason for government debt accumulation in Canada? Is the main driver of debt the public policy choices made by governments, or are non-policy factors, like interest rates and the economic environment to blame? Answering this question is the first step for governments burdened by high levels of government debt to introduce policies aimed at getting that debt under control. The effort to curtail debts in the mid-1990s prompted research into the sources of debt accumulation. The goal of this research was to determine whether the cause of debt was a set of poor fiscal policy choices in the form of overly generous social programs and/or insufficient taxation, an overly tight monetary policy driving up interest costs on existing debt and slowing growth, or simply bad luck in the form of unavoidable world events. That research aspired to identify the sources of debt accumulation so those mistakes, once identified, might be avoided in the future. This paper looks at Ontario and Quebec; two provinces with high and growing debt to GDP ratios and representing the two largest provincial economies in Canada. Introducing an original data set describing the finances of these governments over the period 1980-81 to 2011-12 and a new approach for identifying the causes of debt accumulation, this paper finds that the causes are disproportionate policy based. Finally, this paper offers a way out of debt for these governments. The solutions demand difficult policy choices; choices that will require a significantly heavier burden be borne by the citizens and taxpayers of Ontario than those in Quebec.