O objetivo deste artigo é analisar diferentes narrativas e tentar reconstruir a partir de diferentes vozes a grande operação conduzida por instituições e agentes do estado, que culminou na ocupação militar do Complexo do Alemão, em novembro de 2010. A escuta analítica de relatos de moradores, relatos de agentes militares e de certos setores da imprensa oferecem um rico mosaico da grande operação de demonstração espetacular de "poder" e "glória" do estado brasileiro. A escolha desta operação como objeto de análise ocorre por se tratar de evento determinante para a compreensão tudo aquilo que aconteceu depois, especialmente quanto ao projeto das unidades de polícia pacificadora e também por indicar quadros que explicitam uma forma contemporânea do estado brasileiro se apresentar àqueles que o "assistem" e lidar com certas populações que vivem às margens.
El Instituto para la Pedagogía, la Paz y el Conflicto Urbano de la Universidad Distrital-IPAZUD- organiza de manera semestral la Cátedra Democracia y Ciudadanía, un espacio institucional que convoca a estudiantes, profesores e investigadores no solo de la Distrital, sino de otras universidades de Bogotá. Esta Cátedra responde a la necesidad de impartir una formación integral de ciudadanos, antes que de profesionales y de sujetos democráticos, antes que de individuos egoístas. Consciente de las inquietudes académicas y de las controversias políticas que se deben abordar en el contexto universitario, se busca crear espacios de discusión que propicien el autorreconocimiento de la comunidad universitaria como actores claves para la solución de los problemas sociales, políticos y económicos de nuestro país. Ante este desafío, el artículo hace un breve recuento de las dos temáticas organizadas desde la Cátedra Democracia y Ciudadanía en el 2011: 1. LA MODERNIDAD: EL ALCANCE DE UN SUEÑO EN CRISIS y 2. PENSADORES IMPRESCINDIBLES EN LAS IDEAS DE HOY.
Queen Christina (Maria Christina Alexandra) (1626-1689) who marked the 17th century's history of Sweden emerges as a major political actor. She has reached to this period not only with her activities but also with her appearance, her free soul and her extraordinary character. Owing to be the person who would assume responsibility of a country in the near future, she had grown more like a man than a woman. In another words, her parent's training style shaped her gender. She never married and avoided living according to customs. Also she preferred to wear men's clothes. Hereby, she was considered as an hermaphrodite by some people. This study examines the Queen Cristina's reflection in popular culture. With this purpose, literature review method is used in the study. The research results indicate that there are strong links (with many aspects; literature, art, cinema, cultural events, spor activities etc. ) between Queen Christina and popular culture. Queen Christina was the founder of the world's oldest newspaper called "Post och Inrikes Tidningar" (PoIT-Post and Domestic Times). The newspaper was founded in 1645. She was interested in philosophy, science, religion and art. Queen Christina was in close contact with fine arts in Rome where she spent the last days of her life. Her sophisticated character has being source of inspiration for many works of art (films, paintings, photographies etc. ). For example, there is a photo called "Christina of Sweden-The Androgynous Queen" as a part of "The Regal Twelve" series by Alexia Sinclair. Also, a film called "Queen Christina" was directed by Rouben Mamoulian in 1933. Swedish-born actress Greta Garbo starred in the film with John Gilbert. The museum called "Livrustkammaren" (The Royal Armoury) is the oldest museum in Sweden. The museum collection has many pieces about Queen Christina. As a result, it is observed that Queen Christina has significant contribution to popular culture from past to present. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s5p376
El golpe militar encabezado por Pinochet el 11 de septiembre de 1973, no fue el primero de su carácter, ni el más duradero. Ya desde 1964 los militares brasileños impusieron una dictadura represiva durante 20 años. Ni el más bestial: en 1966, los militares de Indonesia comandados por el General Suharto asesinaron a más de medio millón de gentes apenas en los tres primeros meses de una larga y sangrienta dictadura que aún no termina. Y los militares argentinos, tras el golpe de 1976, practicaron contra su pueblo actos aún mas despiadados que sus pares chilenos.
En El Salvador, una vez producida una buena Ley de Acceso a la Información Pública (LAIP), calificada como una de las mejores del mundo, los que hacen la ley se niegan a cumplirla, los que aparecían cortejándola ahora no la quieren ni ver.
This text builds on Jean Genet's funeral rites and on psychoanalytic theory to construct a model for a psycho-political technique. The text then confronts the model with contemporary political struggles in the contexts of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and of AIDS. We find that the technique we articulate is not only identity shattering (hence queer), but also contingent, temporary and unstable. Moreover, this psycho-political technique operates below micro-politics: it depends on distributed, fissured subjectivities; it therefore cannot be adapted to a political discourse where fully fledged subject positions are supposed. In some sense, we admit, this unstable 'nano-politics' is bound to eventually fail. We then discuss what might be the telos of, and motivation to engage in, such queer, pre-subjective, psycho-political technique. ; ISSN:1092-311X
Le texte introduit à l'ouvrage collectif "Résister au quotidien ?". En passant en revue les différentes formes de résistance collective évoquées dans le livre, il articule trois réflexions. D'abord, le fait que la résistance au capitalisme s'inscrit aujourd'hui dans les pressions de la nécessité quotidienne plus que dans les grands projets alternatifs, que ces résistances s'appuient sur l'Etat tout en le critiquant et enfin, que les différents domaine de conflictualité n'ont pas les mêmes potentiels de subversion. ; Peer reviewed
In this article I critically examine the use of the concept "queer" in the work of Judith Butler. I investigate what kind of conceptual politics Butler performs through her use of "queer". I suggest that "queer" was a term that particularly during the 1990s was used by Butler to repoliticise issues of identity, race, class and their relationship to sexuality. My hypothesis is that for Butler the concept "queer" is an open signifier that functions as a critical term in relation to various issues that Butler analyses.
ResumenEl fenómeno de la movilidad humana, si bien ha existido desde la creación misma de las civilizaciones, se ha visto tremendamente aumentado con el desarrollo de los procesos globalizadores acelerados desde la segunda mitad del siglo pasado. En las últimas dos décadas, dada la acentuación de los "efectos expelentes" de las sociedades de origen de los migrantes (violencia generalizada, escasez aguda, sobrepoblación, etcétera) los flujos migratorios –principalmente hacia países desarrollados– se han intensificado de tal manera que el encuentro entre "los que están" y "los que llegan"ha pasado a ser un tema álgido en la agenda electoral de muchos países y una cuestión que requiere políticas públicas acertadas para reducir los efectos negativos de esta realidad (xenofobia, problemas de asimilación, etcétera), a la vez que permita aprovechar sus beneficios reales (mano de obra, riqueza y diversidad cultural,etcétera). Más aún, cuando se promueven los derechos de los migrantes y sus familiares en tiempos de crisis mundiales, se hace necesario comprender las maneras en que las políticas de las sociedades receptoras puedan eficientemente manejar este tema, respetando los derechos humanos de quienes migran sin dejar de tener presente que la responsabilidad debe ser compartida con las sociedades de origen. El presente artículo se propone presentar un panorama general del fenómeno migratorio tomando en cuenta la variable demográfico-cultural. Parte del análisis de la migración desde los derechos humanos y explora las dificultades inherentes a la exigibilidad y la implementación de estos derechos en los contextos contemporáneos de crisis.Migration as a human right in times of crisisAbstractAlthough human mobility has existed since the very creation of civilizations, it has dramatically increased with the accelerated development of globalizing processes since the second half of the last century. In the last two centuries and given the accentuation of the"expelling effects" of the migrants' societies of origin (generalized violence, high scarcity, overpopulation,etc.), migration to basically developed countries has intensified in such a way that the encounter between the"newcomers" and "those already settled" has become a heated issue in the political agendas of many countries, an issue requiring the right public policies to reduce the negative effects of this reality (xenophobia, assimilation problems, etc), and an issue that helps to take advantage of its actual benefits (labor, wealth, cultural diversity,etc.). Moreover, whenever the rights of immigrants and their relatives in times of world crises are promoted, itbecomes necessary to understand the ways in which the policies of the receiving societies may handle this issue effectively, respecting immigrants' human rights under the consideration that responsibilities must be joint with the societies of origin. The purpose of this article to present a general outlook of the migration issue considering its demographic-cultural variable,analyzing migration from the perspective of human rights and exploring the difficulties pertaining to the demandability and enforceability of these rights in the contexts of today's crisis.
In 'The law of selection in the public economy as compared to the market economy', Professor Francesco Forte (1982) – contemporary doyen of the Scienza delle finanze tradition – extended an invitation to consider the public economy by means of evolutionary principles of selection. Not many replied to Professor Forte's invitation. This article is a delayed response to the invitation. Through a parallel with a metaphor from Lewis Carroll, it proposes the Political Red Queen hypothesis: politicians work to stay in power by weakening the evolutionary pressure under which they would otherwise naturally operate. A Political Red Queen exerts effort – runs, in the language of Carroll's original Red Queen metaphor – to make policy, promulgate laws, supply public and merit goods, and so on with the prime objective to survive by reducing the uncertainty linked to maintaining a political role. A Political Red Queen thus works to weaken 'natural' political selection. The Political Red Queen hypothesis is shown to hold, mutatis mutandis, for both democratic and non-democratic political environments. It can be viewed as incorporating a positive public choice nexus between politics-as-exchange and politics-as-power.
Praxis queer questions the use of artistic practices in queer activism. The reflection is organized around three lines of thought : artistic, militant, and daily life resistance. The artistic axis analyses the techniques of self-invention and subversion of corporal, sexual and gender norms. Activists establish games between performativity and performance. The militant axis highlights the use of art as a tool of queer activism, which interrogates the strategies of struggle and the political efficiency of art. The third axis focuses on daily life resistance practices. These practices are analysed from both a micropolitical and artistic performance point of view, questioning the limits of art. Some cross-disciplinary themes can be found in these three areas : performance, the issue of archives in queer struggles, the militant use of new technologies and the figure of the cyborg. New issues of queer activism, such as effects, ecology and anticapitalism, are discussed. This thesis is a militant act. It is dedicated to academics as well as activists and is a personal involvement. It is based on interviews with activists from France and Spain. These interviews are analysed in such a way that it enhances militant knowledge and put it in parallel with the "legitimate" knowledge represented by authors such as Judith Butler, Jack Halberstam, Paul Preciado or Amelia Jones. The tools of art history are used to analyse militant actions. The political or militant dimension of works is systematically analysed. ; Praxis queer s'intéresse à l'utilisation de pratiques artistiques au sein du militantisme queer. La réflexion s'organise en trois axes : artistique, militant, et quotidien. L'axe artistique analyse les techniques d'invention de soi, de subversion des normes corporelles, sexuelles et de genre. Les militant-es établissent des jeux entre la performativité et la performance. L'axe militant met en évidence l'utilisation de l'art en tant qu'outil de lutte queer, ce qui questionne les stratégies de lutte et l'efficience ...
Praxis queer questions the use of artistic practices in queer activism. The reflection is organized around three lines of thought : artistic, militant, and daily life resistance. The artistic axis analyses the techniques of self-invention and subversion of corporal, sexual and gender norms. Activists establish games between performativity and performance. The militant axis highlights the use of art as a tool of queer activism, which interrogates the strategies of struggle and the political efficiency of art. The third axis focuses on daily life resistance practices. These practices are analysed from both a micropolitical and artistic performance point of view, questioning the limits of art. Some cross-disciplinary themes can be found in these three areas : performance, the issue of archives in queer struggles, the militant use of new technologies and the figure of the cyborg. New issues of queer activism, such as effects, ecology and anticapitalism, are discussed. This thesis is a militant act. It is dedicated to academics as well as activists and is a personal involvement. It is based on interviews with activists from France and Spain. These interviews are analysed in such a way that it enhances militant knowledge and put it in parallel with the "legitimate" knowledge represented by authors such as Judith Butler, Jack Halberstam, Paul Preciado or Amelia Jones. The tools of art history are used to analyse militant actions. The political or militant dimension of works is systematically analysed. ; Praxis queer s'intéresse à l'utilisation de pratiques artistiques au sein du militantisme queer. La réflexion s'organise en trois axes : artistique, militant, et quotidien. L'axe artistique analyse les techniques d'invention de soi, de subversion des normes corporelles, sexuelles et de genre. Les militant-es établissent des jeux entre la performativité et la performance. L'axe militant met en évidence l'utilisation de l'art en tant qu'outil de lutte queer, ce qui questionne les stratégies de lutte et l'efficience politique de l'art. Le troisième axe se concentre sur les pratiques quotidiennes de résistance. Ces pratiques sont analysées à la fois sous l'angle de la micropolitique et de la performance artistique, questionnant les limites de l'art. Certains thèmes transversaux se retrouvent dans ces trois axes : la performance, l'enjeu des archives au sein des luttes queers, l'utilisation militante des nouvelles technologies et la figure du cyborg. De nouveaux enjeux du militantisme queer, comme les affects, l'écologie et l'anticapitalisme, sont abordés. Cette thèse est un geste militant. Elle s'adresse autant au monde universitaire qu'aux activistes et elle correspond à un engagement personnel. Elle se base sur des entretiens réalisés avec des militant-es de France et d'Espagne. Ces entretiens sont utilisés de façon à valoriser les savoirs militants et à les mettre en parallèle du savoir "légitime" que représentent les auteur-es comme Judith Butler, Jack Halberstam, Paul Preciado ou Amélia Jones. Les outils de l'histoire des arts sont utilisés pour analyser des actions militantes. La dimension politique ou militante des oeuvres est systématiquement analysée.
Este número aborda la comunicación desde las tres interpretaciones más importantes: la tradicionalista, la militar y mercantilista y el arte popular tan inestable, cuestionado y cambiante. Canclini cuestiona la compartamentalización de cultura: popular y de medios y esboza los problemas que plantea la tradicional miopía de no reconocer la universalización y ubicuidad de la cultura de masas. Se agregan otros temas como: ¿Re-intelección de los medios? apuntes sobre un libro de los Mattelart, ¿"Ética" o "Deontología" de la comunicación social?, El lenguaje del vestido y de la fiesta,Talleres de cultura Popular en Santiago de Chile, El dilema del arte popular en Bolivia,¿Sobrevivirán las artesanías aborígenes argentinas?, Los tejedores de El Tintorero, Tecnologías de computación y Tercer Mundo, La cobertura del terremoto en México, La comunicación como quehacer y como problema, la comunicación planificada sirve al desarrollo
La République islamique d'Iran a pu trouver quelque avantage dans les événements dramatiques du 11 septembre et dans leurs conséquences immédiates. Elle y a tout d'abord gagné en respectabilité. L'Iran a été l'un des rares pays musulmans dont l'opinion a manifesté une émotion sincère à l'endroit des États-Unis et - hormis les philippiques du Guide de la Révolution - la classe politique n'a pas été en reste : rapporté par un témoin, " le regard plein de compassion du ministre iranien vers la délégation américaine ", lors de la réunion du groupe " 6 + 2 " aux Nations unies, le 12 novembre, quand a été annoncé l'accident aérien de Queens, n'a sans doute pas été que de pure convenance (.).
