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'Artikel 13 der Richtlinie der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Anwendung des Gleichbehandlungsgrundsatzes ohne Unterschied der Rasse oder der ethnischen Herkunft fordert für alle Mitgliedsstaaten der EU die Einrichtung einer oder mehrerer Stellen, die sich mit der Gleichbehandlung befassen. Solche Einrichtungen sollen die Opfer von Diskriminierung in unabhängiger Weise unterstützen, Beschwerden gegen Diskriminierung nachgehen sowie unabhängige Berichte zum Thema Diskriminierung erstellen und veröffentlichen. Die Umsetzung der o.g. Richtlinie, die die Einführung eines Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes für Deutschland zur Folge haben wird, könnte ein wichtiger Beitrag dazu sein, den Kampf gegen Diskriminierung hierzulande erheblich voranzutreiben. Fehlt es aber gleichzeitig an einer beratenden Infrastruktur, die den betroffenen Menschen zu ihrem Recht verhilft, wäre jede legislative Maßnahme in ihrer Wirksamkeit eingeschränkt. In der Bundesrepublik haben u.a. die Aktivitäten der EU dazu beigetragen, die Diskussion um die Bedeutung, Aufgaben und Anforderungen an spezialisierte Einrichtungen zu intensivieren. In diesem Zusammenhang werden auch Fragen der Professionalisierung der Antidiskriminierungsarbeit sowie prinzipielle Überlegungen zu konkreten Möglichkeiten der Unterstützung im Einzelfall diskutiert. In diesem Beitrag sollen relevante Erkenntnisse, die durch die Begleitung der mit Landesmitteln geförderten Antidiskriminierungsprojekte in Nordrhein-Westfalen (NRW) gewonnen wurden, kurz vorgestellt werden. Dabei folgt die Darstellung der Prämisse, dass die Implementierung eines Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes der Etablierung von spezialisierten Einrichtungen im Kampf gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus zwingend bedarf, soll dieser ernsthaft und effektiv sein.' (Autorenreferat)

Besides different preconditions for educational success in native and migrant families, an important role has been ascribed to students' educational aspirations in the explanation of ethnic disparities in educational attainment. Based on a sample of several hundred 9thand 10thgraders in Hamburg, the study investigates the dimensions along which native and migrant students construct their educational and future career aspirations and expectations at the end of compulsory full-time education. The results provide insight into the applicability of traditional approaches that investigate the mechanisms that shape social disparities in education to explain the ethnic attainment gap, and into the controversial meaning of subjective data in the form of respondent-reported educational aspirations and the interpretation of higher aspirations in migrant families as secondary effects of ethnic origin. Dr. Marina Trebbels is a research assistant at the Institute for Intercultural and International Comparative Education at the University of Hamburg.

"An die US-amerikanische Literatur zum so genannten summer setback anknüpfend wird untersucht, inwieweit das außerschulische Umfeld zur Entstehung von ethnischen Disparitäten beiträgt. Anhand einer Stichprobe von N=1592 Schülern aus Berlin wird analysiert, ob sich die Leseleistungen bei Kindern mit Migrationshintergrund über die Sommerferien zwischen der 4. und 5. Klasse weniger günstig entwickeln als bei Kindern ohne Migrationshintergrund. Nach Kontrolle der Ausgangsleistung sind mit dem ethnischen Hintergrund Leistungsdisparitäten verbunden. Diese hängen zum Teil, aber längst nicht vollständig, mit Disparitäten im sozioökonomischen Hintergrund zusammen. Nachteile in Abhängigkeit unterschiedlicher Lerngelegenheiten, die direkt mit dem Migrationshintergrund verbunden sein können (z.B. Umgangssprache zu Hause), können jedoch nicht belegt werden. Auch die Lese- und Freizeitaktivitäten der Kinder spielen keine moderierende Rolle für die identifizierten Unterschiede." (Autorenreferat).;;;"Based on the literature on causes of educational inequities, the authors examine the extent to which the out-of-school environment contributes to differential learning losses during the summer vacation in Germany. Drawing on a sample of n=1592 students from the city of Berlin, they assess whether 4th and 5th graders from immigrant families show differential development in reading achievement during the summer vacation relative to their native German peers. Controlling for prior achievement, they find disparities associated with the ethnic background. These are partly, but by far not completely due to disparities in socio-economic background. Contrary to their hypotheses, however, specific differences in learning opportunities that may be associated with an immigrant background (e.g., language spoken at home) seem not relevant for the remaining ethnic disadvantages. Furthermore, the differences identified are not moderated by the children's reading or leisure time activities." (author's abstract).

In West Germany, the sociology of migration is concerned increasingly with intercultural relations between migrant workers & majority society, involving discrimination, inequity, & racial prejudice. Three approaches for analysis of ethnic discrimination are discussed: (1) the SE approach is unable to explain the relevance of ethnic interpretation patterns; & (2) the functionalist approach sees striving for social upward mobility as an absolute action motive & is unable to differentiate between ethnic &, eg, sexist discrimination; & (3) the sociocultural approach presupposes a questionable notion of an increasingly multicultural society. Suggested is an enlargement of scope in the study of intercultural relations. The impact of phenomena such as institutional racism has not been sufficiently recognized by West German migration sociology. Modified AA

Christoph Koch met Alojzy Twardecki in 1974 and over the years became fascinated by the Pole's story of survival and triumph over victimization by the Nazi's Lebensborn program. In the 1960s and 1970s, Twardecki's work was published by various Polish presses. In this German translation, Koch has contributed a 50-page preface, providing pertinent information into the Nazi's policy on racial purity in combination with ethnic cleansing

Frontmatter --Inhalt --Racial Profiling und antirassistischer Widerstand /Wa Baile, Mohamed / Dankwa, Serena O. / Naguib, Tarek / Purtschert, Patricia / Schilliger, Sarah --Dein Gesetz /Abdulkadir, Amina --Von der "Zigeunerkartei" zu den "Schweizermachern" bis Racial Profiling /Jain, Rohit --Hautverdächtig /Wa Baile, Mohamed / Höhne, Ellen --Racial Profiling und die Tabuisierung von "Rasse" /Michel, Noémi --Neuanfänge /Ramirez, Edwin --Handwerksgeschichten /El-Maawi, Rahel / Santos Pinto, Jovita dos --Die Kontrolle der "Anderen" /Plümecke, Tino / Wilopo, Claudia S. --Profiling und Rassismus im Kontext Sexarbeit /Dankwa, Serena O. / Ammann, Christa / Santos Pinto, Jovita dos --Zugfahren /Moumouni, Fatima --Spatial Racial Profiling /Golian, Schohreh --"Zigeunerpolitik" reloaded /Mattli, Angela --Race matters /Häberlein, Jana --Helvetzid /Wa Baile, Mohamed --Ethnographischer Bericht zum Prozess gegen M. /Jain, Rohit --Mit Recht gegen Rassismus im Recht /Naguib, Tarek --Autonome Schule Zürich --Ich vermisse die Rassisten der Vergangenheit /Gennai, Meloe --Herzwerk /Rosen, Romeo Koyote / Keller, Jasmine --so ein gefühl /Abdulkadir, Amina --Alltagsrassismus, staatliche Gewalt und koloniale Tradition /El-Tayeb, Fatima / Thompson, Vanessa Eileen --Über die Autor*innen

At the beginning of the 21st century ethnic or racial conflicts proliferate all over the world. Many ethnic conflicts - for example the conflict between the Sri Lankan state and the Tamil Tigers - are characterized by constant efforts at conflict resolution interspersed with renewed violence, with cycles of military escalation and de-escalation. Also, they are marked by the helpnessness of the international actors, who profess their interest in a resolution and try to mediate between the contending parties. But they are rarely successful - why?The most important question in war and peacetime is whether it is possible to achieve security. In many Asian countries people perceive politics and security in ethnic terms. Security often means applying their security definition to the nation-state. Especially during the peace negotiations it is of vital importance to reflect on these various ethnically framed security perceptions and constructions, because structure and content of these definitions provide the scope for peace settlements. Third Parties engaged in mediating violent conflicts have to keep in mind that it is the elusive balance of these security schemes which determine successful negotiations and a permanent solution.

This dissertation examines the implementation of the SS's Greater Germanic idea in the Danish border region of South Jutland. Its focus is on how Danish and ethnic German (volksdeutsche) national socialists, organised in their respective Nazi parties, dealt with the SS's crusade on behalf of a supranational racial vision. The study traces why the two groups reacted so negatively to the SS's ideology - despite the SS's power, despite the Greater Germanic promise of high racial prestige, and despite shared service in "Germanic" units of the Waffen-SS. The SS's attempts to use a race-based ideology to overcome the disputes that divided South Jutland's two Nazi parties ran aground on fundamentally nationalist identities. For most members of the German minority, the Greater Germanic ideology was a threat. The German minority hoped for border revision; to acknowledge Danes as racial equals would endanger their political goals. Nor were Danish Nazis more enthusiastic. To be sure, the SS's vision did provide an ideological weapon in the fight against demands for border vision. But the potential imperialism of the Greater Germanic idea worried those who prized continued Danish sovereignty. After all, the first hope of the Danish Nazis was to rule an independent national-socialist Danish state. The study makes it clear, however, that the fate of the Greater Germanic idea cannot be understood simply in terms of Realpolitik. Rather, the conflicts between the SS and its collaboration partners must also be understood as a clash between racial and völkisch concepts of community. The SS's vision of a Greater Germanic Reich based on ideologies of race clashed with the German-minority and Danish national-socialist commitment to Volk-based nationalism. Despite their strong commitment to Nazi ideologies, both collaboration partners found the SS's racial community "unimaginable".

"The fifth democratic election in South Africa was clearly won by the African National Congress. It received 62.15 per cent of the votes and thus won a comfortable majority in the National Assembly. The liberal and pro-business Democratic Alliance could raise its percentage of votes considerably. Its main topics in the election campaign had been the existing economic and social problems as well as the endemic corruption in the country. The newly formed Economic Freedom Fighters obtained 6.35 per cent of the votes. This party advocates the nationalisation of certain branches of industry the way Hugo Chavez did in Venezuela as well as a comprehensive land reform of the kind that led to disastrous consequences in neighbouring Zimbabwe. The election campaign was not only strongly polarised by these extreme demands, but also by a poor political performance of the government especially in the fields of fighting poverty and crime. Furthermore, the South African society is still strongly divided. These social and economic disparities refer to a certain extent to the still vivid past of racial segregation under the former apartheid regime" (author's abstract)