Suchergebnisse

Research of the issues of counteracting extremist crimes has recently become one of the most urgent tasks for both Russian and foreign criminologists. Russia is a multinational and multi-confessional state. This fact gives special importance to fighting extremist crimes, which is impossible without the analysis of the causal complex of murders motivated by political, ideological, racial, national or religious hatred of enmity, as well as hatred or enmity towards a particular social group. The motive is a crucial element for understanding specific characteristics of an extremism act. An ideologically-motivated murder is caused by intolerant or hateful attitude of the perpetrator towards the victim resulting from the disagreement with his views, convictions, principles. A politically-motivated murder is caused by intolerance or hatred of the perpetrator towards the victim as a representative of alternative political views regarding the existing social order, a country's economic structure, the political activity of public organizations, parties, movements. There are different levels of manifestations of extremist actions that differ in character and degree of public danger. The paper is devoted to researching specific traits and development trends for the factors that influence the contemporary condition and structure of extremism-motivated murders; the authors use them as a basis for the system of causes and conditions of such crimes. The paper analyses economic, political, legal, informational factors that define complex determinants of such crimes at the general social level. The authors suggest recognizing globalization and population migration (including illegal migration) that followed it as one of the determinants. They conclude that at the social and psychological level extremism-motivated murders are determined by the activities of organized small social groups. © 2016, Baikal National University of Economics and Law. All rights reserved.

Раздел 3 . Сопоставительные и диахронические исследования языковых единиц и категорий ; В статье рассматривается новая языковая категория под названием эвфемизация, при которой замечается стремление избежать противоречий на расовой, этнической, национальной и иной почве для устранения недопонимания между людьми, отличающихся от основного населения по расовому или национальному признаку. ; The article considers a new language category called euphemization, in which one sees a desire to avoid contradictions on the racial, ethnic, national and other grounds for eliminating misunderstandings among people who are different from the main population on racial or national grounds.

Diversity is one of the most contested issues in domestic and international politics. Debates about ethnic, national, linguistic, religious, and economic diversity and its accommodation in viable and legitimate polities feature prominently in discussions among academics and practitioners of comparative politics, conflict-resolution studies, political sociology, and political theory. There are several types of "old" and "new diversities and their potential to create conflict have been frequently addressed through federal arrangements. First, there is diversity pertaining to cultural, ideological, racial, religious, and linguistic predispositions. When these are concentrated territorially, they may be more difficult to manage institutionally, and they are the ones for which federal arrangements are deemed the most appropriate. Second, the existence of politically mobilized territorial or national self-defined identities in multi-ethnic or multinational societies represents a paramount challenge for the governance and accommodation of differences. Third, there is diversity concerning socio-economic resources and the interests of groups concentrated territorially. Socio-economic differences revolve around the allocation of socially valued goods and the redistribution of resources among territories, and are sometimes a common rationale of federal arrangements. This paper explores how institutions and ideas have helped accommodate ethno-linguistic or religious diversities, empower ethnic or linguistic minorities, manage conflicts, and establish a legitimate, stable, and cohesive order in twelve federal countries: Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Ethiopia, Germany, India, Nigeria, Russia, Spain, Switzerland, and the United States of America. ; Peer reviewed

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

The article is devoted to the recent American historiography of the ethnic and religious structure of Boston – the city that has always played a unique cultural role in American life. During almost 400 years of its history the city experienced periods of prosperity and decline, racial segregation and economic depression. Speaking about "new immigration" of late XXth – early XXIst centuries American authors pay particular attention to its diversity and the impact of global economy, US foreign policy, mass media and new means of communication. Dramatically different situation was the result of a new immigration legislation (Immigration Act, 1965). ; В статье рассматривается современная американская историография истории формирования этноконфессиональной структуры Бостона – города, который занимает особую роль в американской культурной традиции. За свою без малого четырехсотлетнюю историю город знал периоды расцвета и упадка, расово-этнической сегрегации и экономической депрессии. Применительно к т.н. «новой иммиграции» последних десятилетий ХХ - начала XXI вв. американские исследователи отмечают ее многообразие и возросшую роль глобальных экономических изменений, влияние американской внешней политики, средств массовой информации, новых форм коммуникации. Кардинально новая ситуация связана с принятием нового иммиграционного законодательства, особенно акта 1965 г.

Introduction. The article examines the nature and essence of patriotism and friendship of peoples, their crucial role for the life of the Russian Federation. Over the past decades, radical changes have taken place in the political system of Russia, its social and ethnic structure, and a heterogeneous ethno-confessional society has been formed. The author shows that patriotism and friendship of peoples are the most important determinants, specific properties necessary for the integration of our multinational federation ensuring order and stability in the country, its sustainable and dynamic development, the gradual formation of new supra-ethnic and supra-confessional values, and general cultural identity.

Methods. The combination of applying methods and approaches is the key to studying the theory and practice of patriotism, recognizing its procedural nature, unity and opposition in the activities of the state and society, the interests of the government, political parties and social groups. The use of the polyparadigmatic methodology in studying the nature and essence of patriotism, in particular, the activity and civilizational approaches, the synergetic method, dialectic categories made it possible to determine the complexity and continuity of the formation of patriotism and patriotic work, to reveal dynamism and conflict, general and special features in them.

Analysis. Studying the real state of Russian society points to the weakness of systemic activities of patriotic education, preserving and strengthening the unity and friendship between nations. The lack of a common goal problematizes the search for a common patriotic idea, new foundations for Russian civilization, the common existence of nations, the construction of a welfare state and a harmonious society.

Results. The article reveals inadequacy of the declared ideas of patriotism and friendship of peoples to the policy and practice of implementing neoliberal values and the priority of individualism. The author shows that the process of further fragmentation and stratification, alienation and separation of people according to racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, confessional, generational, professional and other characteristics continues in society. The transition of already atomized individuals from the ethnic mentality and national behavioral stereotypes to a single patriotic goal – the all-Russian identity – is formal. Today, the activity on the formation of patriotism and patriotic attitudes of consciousness does not affect the deep, essential foundations of society, is of a festival and manipulative nature, and in many respects concerns only the military sphere, tourism and sports. The notes mentioned create significant difficulties in understanding the idea of the common welfare, genuine and false in patriotism, the definition of objective interests of the state, authority and society, social groups and individual elites. Modern globalization inevitably involves taking into account the national interests of Russia, the search for optimal forms of interconnection of civilizational and universal principles.

The article reviews the main problems of international interaction in the political space of post-Soviet Russia. This research topic has been a burning and vital issue of the day over the last years. Moreover, it has become even more significant and urgent nowadays. From time to time the number of racial tensions and inter-ethnic conflicts is increasing everywhere. This fact is likely to indicate some disadvantages and faults of evaluating the state of international interaction. One of the reasons why it happened is the fact that scholars have not come to an agreement about this issue yet. Having thoroughly examined the current scientific theories and research areas, the author of the article took into consideration the most popular and widespread points of view on the problem. Such factors as the soviet «heritage», integration of ethnic minorities into the cultural space of civil nation, a great many opportunities for preserving national identity, etc. influenced the principles of international interaction in the political space of modern-day Russia. The results of the analysis of the above mentioned factors can be put into practice with a view to assess the potential of international interaction which will let predict their social and political importance and reveal possible flash seats of conflictogenity. The author's attention is focused on considering the issues of the role of the government in the optimization of inter-ethnic relations. The main fields of concern of public authorities have been investigated. Policy papers and special-purpose programmes have been scrutinized. The author has also outlined the leading political figures' attitude to this acute problem. ; В статье рассмотрены основные проблемы межнационального взаимодействия в политическом пространстве постсоветской России. За последние годы актуальность подобной исследовательской проблематики не утратила своего значения, а, напротив, существенно увеличилась. Периодически повсеместно наблюдается рост конфликтов на межнациональной, межэтнической почве, что свидетельствует об определенных недостатках и недоработках в оценке состояния межнационального взаимодействия. Одной из причин является отсутствие единой позиции на обозначенную проблему среди научного сообщества. В настоящей статье в рамках анализа реально существующих научных концепций и направлений автором представлены наиболее распространённые точки зрения и взгляды. На содержание межнационального взаимодействия в политическом пространстве современной России оказало влияние множество различных факторов: советское «наследство», включение национальных меньшинств в культурное пространство гражданской нации, наличие широких возможностей для сохранения национальной самобытности и т.п. Результаты анализа перечисленных факторов могут применяться для оценки потенциала межнационального взаимодействия, что позволит спрогнозировать их общественно-политическую значимость и выявить возможные очаги межнациональной конфликтогенности. В статье рассмотрены вопросы об участии государства в оптимизации межнациональных отношений, исследованы основные направления деятельности органов государственной власти в этой области, изучены стратегические документы и целевые программы, обозначены позиции ведущих российских политических деятелей на данную проблему.

The historical expe-rience of relations between East and West is characterized by the apparent instability, confl ict and the presence of stereotypes. Successful standoff with the West by some Muslim polities, embarked in the early XXth century on its own path of nationalism and Islamic socialism, in the following years witnessed a dramatic transformation. The instability of the non-Muslim West, is the secret of the instability of the Islamic East. It is exposed to modernization impacts on the one hand and challenges of racial and religious discrimination, ethnic strife, social and political unrest on the other. Their interweaving creates destabilization in Eastern societies and at the same time strengthens the position of political Islam. Western attempts to ignore these processes underlie the formation of extremist ideological aspirations, which are used by the West in their irresponsible adventurous interests. ; Исторический опыт отношений по линии Восток-Запад характеризуется очевидной неустойчивостью, конфликтностью и наличием стереотипов. Довольно успешное противостояние Западу со стороны некоторых мусульманских политий, вставших в начале ХХ века на собственный путь национализма и мусульманского социализма, в последующие годы претерпевало сильнейшие трансформации. В нестабильности немусульманского Запада оказывается и секрет нестабильности исламского Востока. Он подвергается, как модернизационным воздействиям, так и вызовам расовой и религиозной дискриминации, национальной розни и социально-политическим волнениям. Их сплетение порождает дестабилизацию в восточных обществах и одновременно укрепляет позиции политического ислама. Попытки Запада игнорировать эти процессы лежат в основе образования экстремистских идеологических устремлений, которые используются силами на Западе в своих безответственно авантюрных интересах.

This article seeks to trace the reasons for the emergence of separatist sentiments in the European Union states, particularly in Belgium. The article gives its brief assessment of the current state of the issue mentioned and undertakes an analysis of the situation pertaining the Flemish region. Significant attention is being given to the consideration of the economic reasons for the existing disparities and positions of the major nationalistic parties of the region of Flanders. Ethnic and cultural factors continue to play a significant role in the political life of modern European states and often become a major point of contention. The author notes that ethno-political conflicts are quite common, but almost insoluble problems. The origins of such conflicts are usually grounded firmly in the history of resettlement and development of a particular nation or an ethnic group. Besides, they reflect the processes of the restructuring of the global political space and are typically accompanied by political and national self-identification crises. It is equally important to understand the importance of certain historic periods to a nation, inhabiting the specific territory of a state.In the case of Belgium, the period of its formation, and the developments, contributing to the country's independence in the 19th century, are directly related to the Flemish people's national memory — a key factor needed to determine the specifics of the existing differences between the two regions. Over the centuries, one ethnic group has been suppressed by the neighboring one. It couldn't not fully fulfil its cultural and economic potential.The change of the status of the Flemings in Belgium in the 20th century, the equalization of both nations in their rights have failed to resolve all the contradictions existing for centuries. The traditional Flemish desire to promote and protect the region's interests has generated separatist sentiments, which still make up a significant part of the country's domestic political agenda. However, owing to the fragmentation of the nationalist groups and the lack of coherent policy among them, it is currently impossible to make a statement on the region's secession. ; В статье исследованы причины возникновения сепаратистских движений в государствах Европейского союза, в частности в Бельгийском Королевстве. Дается оценка современного состояния фламандского конфликта и проводится соответствующий анализ ситуации вокруг Фландрии. Значительное внимание уделяется рассмотрению экономических причин существующих разногласий, а также позиций основных националистических фламандских партий.Этнические и культурные факторы продолжают играть значительную роль в политической жизни современных государств Европы и нередко становятся предметами споров. Этнополитические конфликты являются достаточно распространёнными и крайне трудноразрешимыми проблемами, чьи истоки зачастую связаны с историей расселения и развития конкретного народа или этнической группы. Кроме этого, они отражают процессы перестройки мирового политического пространства и, как правило, сопровождаются кризисами политической и национальной самоидентификации. Не менее важно понимать значение определенных периодов в истории населения, проживающего на конкретной территории государства.В случае с Бельгией период её формирования, а также события, способствовавшие обретению страной независимости в XIX в., напрямую связаны с национальной памятью фламандцев — ключевым фактором, необходимым для определения специфики разногласий между населением обоих регионов королевства. На протяжении многих столетий один этнос подавлялся другим, соседним, и не мог в полной мере реализовать свой культурный и экономический потенциал.Изменение положения фламандцев в Бельгии в XX в., уравнивание обоих народов в правах, не смогли разрешить формировавшихся веками противоречий. Стремление к продвижению и защите своих интересов, ставшее традиционным для Фландрии, породило сепаратистские настроения, до сих пор составляющие значительную часть внутренней политической повестки страны. Однако разрозненность и отсутствие согласованной политики внутри националистических групп на современном этапе пока не позволяет заявлять о существовании возможности отделения региона от Бельгии.

International audience ; The need to study this problem is associated with individual contradic- tions in the United Nations (UN) documents and the need to eliminate them. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the advisability of making changes to UN documents due to the incorrect use of the concept of "tolerance" and its analogues, including in Russian versions. In the main part of the study, the authors, on the basis of their comparative anal- ysis of the content of the UN General Assembly Resolutions, in terms of the use of the concept of "tolerance", come to the discovery of two groups of contradictions in UN doc- uments that require resolution. The authors examine these two groups of contradictions in detail, noting their characteristic features. Universal human rights take priority over the rights of people determined by their racial, religious, ethnic affiliation, as well as other immanent features. The social contradictions that have worsened against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic have led to a number of conflicts based on hostility towards carriers of "otherness". The events of 2020 have shown that it is imperative to introduce "harmony in diversity" into the relationships between people with different immanent features. The international political and legal institute, designated in the working lan- guages of the United Nations by the terms "tolerance" and "la tolerance", is designed to provide this harmony. Meanwhile, at present there are many circumstances that prevent the implementation of the idea of "tolerance" ("la tolérance"). The most important of them is the lack of a clear position in official UN documents regarding the content of the idea. The analysis of UN documents, including the Russian-language versions, revealed contradictions in the use of the concept of "tolerance" ("la tolérance") and its analogues. Thus, the concept of "tolerance" ("la tolerance") is still used in UN documents in the meaning contained in the UN Charter. Meanwhile, in 1995, UNESCO, on behalf of the ...

This article considers national censuses in the US, France, and Russia based on new principles and held after their respective revolutions. The authors aim to find out to what extent the authorities succeeded in following enumeration procedures based on international regulations. It is demonstrated that a census is a dialectical process involving the state and the population, requiring reciprocal trust. France had no experience of organising censuses with the exception of those in the country's American colonies. The gentry wanted to keep control over their lands and would not share information about their population with the central authorities. In postrevolutionary France, the census held during the Jacobin terror was not entirely successful, with the state bureaucracy not being strong enough to organise a coherent census and different revolutionary committees taking uncoordinated measures to register the population. The US, however, had had a number of censuses organised by the British prior to the War of Independence. The first census in the United States was held in 1790 in compliance with the Constitution. As a result, the US has held censuses at decadal intervals ever since, but it faced a number of problems for a considerable amount of time, especially concerning the registering of racial minorities. Russia was at an advantage in that respect since it held the first all-Russian census in 1897 in addition to local censuses and census-like tax revisions. The first all-Soviet census organised after the Revolution and Civil War in 1926 was successful, especially among the ethnic minorities in the polar parts of the country. However, the 1937 census became part of repression measures, with detrimental consequences for the census and census takers alike. The US and Soviet censuses census organised after their respective revolutions were successful: in the former, the census created enthusiasm because it was regarded as an instrument to make the new democracy work, while in the Soviet Union of the 1920s, the census was perceived as a prerequisite for the social and economic modernisation of the new state. ; Рассмотрены всеобщие национальные переписи населения в США, Франции и России, проведенные после окончания революций, повлекших кардинальные изменения в обществе, и организованные по новым принципам. Авторы исследуют вопрос о том, в какой степени каждой из них удалось провести регистрацию населения в соответствии с новыми международными правилами. Показано, что перепись населения – диалектический процесс, требующий доверия и взаимодействия между властями и населением. Во Франции не было опыта организации переписей, за исключением тех, что были осуществлены в их американских колониях. Дворяне стремились сохранить полный контроль в своих землях и не желали делиться информацией о населении с центральной властью. Не вполне удалась послереволюционная перепись населения во Франции, проведенная в условиях террора якобинцев. Государственная бюрократия была слишком слаба, и многочисленные революционные комитеты проводили нескоординированные действия по регистрации населения. В США к началу Войны за независимость прошло несколько переписей, организованных британцами. Первая перепись здесь была проведена в 1790 г., через несколько лет после окончания войны, в соответствии с решением, записанным в Конституции. С тех пор переписи населения в стране проходят регулярно с десятилетним интервалом, однако проблемы качества их проведения сохранялись достаточно долго, особенно в части регистрации расовых меньшинств. Россия имела явное преимущество, обладая опытом проведения Первой общероссийской переписи 1897 г., а до нее – организации городских переписей и ревизий населения. Первая перепись населения в Советском Союзе, проведенная после окончания революции и Гражданской войны в 1926 г., была вполне успешной, особенно Приполярная перепись этнических меньшинств в северных районах страны. Однако следующая за ней Всесоюзная перепись 1937 г. стала частью репрессивной политики, повлекшей пагубные последствия как для ее результатов, так и для переписчиков. Послереволюционные переписи населения в США и Советском Союзе были вполне успешными. В США ее приняли с большим энтузиазмом как необходимый инструмент утверждавшейся демократии, а в Советском Союзе – как предпосылку социально-экономической модернизации нового государства.