Suchergebnisse

In recent debates over multiculturalism and Islam homosexuality has been granted a remarkable role, in several European countries and elsewhere, in attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries. This essay tries to answer the question why this is the case by concentrating on the signifying power of homosexuality in modern political culture. It argues that homosexuality's signifying power derives from its cultural status as a fundamental and natural truth about the person. The combined elements of truth and nature make homosexuality a cultural category that can effectively be deployed to establish truths in fields other than those that pertain to same-sex sexuality strictly speaking. Of particular relevance to debates about the nation and its identity is the fact that the notion of homosexuality as natural partly rests on nineteenth-century discourses of racial difference. The racial elements in the construction of modern homosexuality re-appear in contemporary attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries, but with an important difference. Homosexuality is no longer, as in the past, associated with blackness and Jewishness; it has become white. Adapted from the source document.

About some good of scientific blindness.
The manner in which Mozambican society is being ideologically penetrated by State power reflects a certain primary ignorance — assumed politically — of social relations of the peoples over whom authority is exercised. Be it the disparities in rural social relation, the social expectations surrounding racial distinction, taking into consideration indigenous languages etc., all are issues around which a taboo has been created by the microcosm of FRELIMO cadres, be they white, mullato or internationalist experts.

Jazz and pentecostalism are contemporaries, arising out of the same ethnic-racial mixture, the same slums of vast American cities. Here the author analyses the conditions of their emergence and their meeting, their common characteristics, factors contributing to their times of force and weakness. He describes how these two children long misunderstood, even abused, by the American experience have succeeded as far as to "become highways along which the whole world is moving".

Two thousand hills for the small and the tall : radioscopy of Hutu and Tutsi stereotypes in Rwanda.
The west tends to feed itself with stereotypes when dealing with Rwanda and Burundi. During the colonial period, a hierarchy-based racial ideology has established wich distinguishes three courses of identification : Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. This discourse was retained in its broad lines by some anthropologists after indepetulance. More seriously, younger generations in Rwanda and Burundi have internalized this ethnic analysis and their national realities.

The Public Middle School's District Policy Reform has had an impact on parent's expectations and representations. In front of rejections and of the opacity of the application, and because of very high expectations and involvement, the resentment is particularly acute. In depressed urban areas characterized by urban and school segregation, it takes the form of a strong feeling of spatial and ethno-racial discrimination, which leads to call into question their loyalty to the institution. One can question the diffusion of that mechanism to other public services concerned by a process of individualizing application and of encouraging people to take greater responsibility, and by a strong process of social and ethnic differentiation of the targeted population. Adapted from the source document.

Brazil's cultural phenomena of "African origin" are understood to characterize a specific ethnic group, that of the Blacks, who are also distinguished by their specific phenotype, that is their "race". This article will examine the way in which these conceptual shifts take place, starting with what we consider to be an emblematic example of the African presence in Brazil: the quilombolas (maroon communities) whose territorial rights are guaranteed by the 1988 Constitution. The first part of the article shows how Brazilian anthropology chose to construct a flexible theoretical model for the quilombos that is related to the project of producing tools for the political emancipation of subaltern populations. In the second part we show how this program leads paradoxically to the attribution of identity. The object of the anthropologists -- to make the official category of quilombo easier to understand -- is in effect at the basis of the conflation of the notions of ethnicity and race, manifest in the recurrent use of the compound adjective "ethno-racial". Adapted from the source document.

Boris Johnson's populist policy against immigrants and asylum seekers, dumped in detention camps in Rwanda, may not succeed because of legal constraints. Yet, his political agenda will probably work nevertheless, given the growing xenophobia among his electorate. Against expert advice, Home Secretary Priti Patel promised the autocratic ruler in Kigali, Paul Kagame, responsible among others for retribution killings of his army (RPF), to transfer an initial £120m to deter the migrants and to make them "settle and thrive" in Rwanda. However, London would have to pay much more in the proposed "economic transformation and integration fund" for the current cost. It is highly unlikely that Rwanda will be able to cope with additional immigrants as it is already struggling to accommodate its own more than 130,000 refugees. Moreover, in the past, also Denmark and Israel had tried in vain to execute similar policies to get rid of undesirable migrants and settling them in Rwanda and Uganda. Johnson's scheme reminded Britain's foremost historian of Nazi Germany, Sir Richard Evans, of Hitler's ploy to deport Jews to Madagascar. Thus, policies purported to aim at "migration control" may not control migration, but reconfigure potential host societies along ethnic, racial, linguistic, and xenophobe lines. The burden of colonial heritage persists in attempts to reject "strangers" by populist politics, culture and public discourse.

Alors que les Américains s'apprêtent à élire leur nouveau président, le 3 novembre prochain, la situation du pays est particulièrement tendue depuis plusieurs mois et le regain du mouvement Black Lives Matter. Plusieurs décès controversés de Noirs américains lors d'interpellations policières ont en effet entraîné une série de manifestations et d'émeutes depuis le printemps 2020, dénonçant la persistance du racisme au sein des forces de l'ordre sinon de la société américaine dans son ensemble. Pays du melting-pot, les États-Unis peinent à trouver la voie de relations sociales apaisées entre les différentes communautés ethniques qui composent leur population. Pourtant, au vu des derniers enseignements du recensement 2020, il devient plus que nécessaire pour eux de travailler à cette cohésion sociale : pour la première fois de leur histoire, la population blanche a diminué en nombre, aux États-Unis, au cours de la décennie 2010 et la croissance démographique globale du pays repose désormais essentiellement sur celle des minorités ethniques. William H. Frey présente ici cette accélération de la tendance à la diversification de la population des États-Unis, s'appuyant sur les dernières données publiées par le Bureau du recensement. Les États-Unis recueillent en effet des statistiques ethniques assez détaillées, interrogeant les habitants du pays sur leur sentiment d'appartenance à un « groupe racial ou ethnique » ( race or ethnic group ) — formulation peu employée en France mais que nous reprenons dans cette traduction. Et les résultats les plus récents montrent clairement le rôle moteur des minorités ethniques dans le dynamisme démographique du pays. S.D.