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Even though schools are characterized by an unprecedented amount of racial diversity, it is unclear whether a racially diverse student body necessarily translates into friendships between adolescents from different racial groups. We examine how schools structure adolescent racial homophily, that is, adolescents' tendency to form friendships with students who are similar with respect to race. Methods. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we examine how the racial composition of schools influences the chances of having an interracial friendship for US adolescents in grades seven through twelve. Results. Our results demonstrate that white, black, Hispanic, Asian, & Native American adolescents differ greatly in their chances of having an interracial friendship. They additionally demonstrate that adolescents' chances of having an interracial friendship increase dramatically as the proportion of same-race students in their schools decreases. Finally, they suggest that school racial composition accounts for a large part of the variation in interracial friendship by race, but not for all of it. Conclusions. We conclude that racial differences in interracial friendship reflect opportunities & preferences for interracial contact. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Content -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Is Racial Profiling a Problem? -- Chapter Preface -- How the Hunt for Bin Laden Made US Muslims and Immigrants Threats -- Racial Profiling is being Used in Immigration Checks -- Racial Profiling is a Rational Response to Information -- Racial Disparities in Police Activity do not Indicate Racial Profiling -- Profiling on Steroids -- Chapter 2: Should Arab Muslims be Profiled in the War on Terror? -- Overview: Perceptions of Racial Profiling by Muslim Americans -- Airport Security: Let's Profile Muslims -- Concerns About Racial Profiling should not Inhibit Terrorist Surveillance -- Spooked by the Underwear Bomber: Instead of Body Scanners and Ethnic Profiling We Need Patience and Resilience to Tackle Terrorism -- Racial Profiling is Ineffective in Catching Terrorists -- Racial Profiling in the War on Terror Leads to Dangerous Practices -- Chapter 3: What are the Causes and Consequences of Racial Profiling? -- Chapter Preface -- Trayvon Martin: Confronting the Problem of Enduring Racism -- A Trial in Black and White -- Justice for the System: There is No Institutional Racism in Our Courts and Police Stations -- Racial Profiling in America is Part of Systemic Racism -- We are All Juan Williams: Associating Minorities with Crime Is Irrational, Unjust, and Completely Normal -- Racial Profiling may Increase Crime Among those not Profiled -- Chapter 4: What should be Done About Racial Profiling? -- Chapter Preface -- Racism Against Young African American Men Needs to be Addressed -- Facing Facts About Race -- There is a Need for the End Racial Profiling Act -- There is no Need for the End Racial Profiling Act -- Proposed Prohibitions on Racial Profiling will Hinder Law Enforcement -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

Is membership in a group ever a sufficient reason for special investigation, or do such actions always violate civil liberties? How common is racial profiling according to available evidence? What actions have opponents taken to end the practice? Is racial profiling effective in crime prevention? Racial Profiling addresses these and other related questions and explores the highly charged controversies that they reflect. It provides an overview, reference resource, and research guide that will interest not only students, teachers, and librarians but also activists, policymakers, participants in

Does racial profiling exist? -- Should Arab Muslims be profiled in the war on terror? -- Is racial profiling generally justifiable? -- What are the consequences of racial profiling?

There is a place for education in the fight against racism, but we shouldn't confuse it for the fight itself.

Intro -- Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Chapter 1: A Long History of Inequality -- Chapter 2: Everyday Inequality -- Chapter 3: The Toxicity of Racial Inequality -- Chapter 4: Surviving and Thriving -- Chapter 5: Standing Up Against Inequality -- Glossary -- For More Information -- For Further Reading -- Index -- About the Author -- backcover.

AbstractThe dominant theoretical approach to exploring ethnic and racial inequality in marketing and consumer research focuses on discrete acts of discrimination that stem from social psychological causes (e.g., prejudice, stereotypes, and negative racial attitudes). It holds limited explanatory power for meso- and macro-structural phenomena that also generate racialized outcomes. An implication is that ethnic and racial inequality can be portrayed as something imposed on market systems rather than a routine feature of their functioning. In response, I introduce and synthesize two variants of Racial Formation Theory (RFT) and propose it as a useful theoretical approach for addressing whether and how organizational and institutional actors in market systems engage in goal-directed action that allocates resources in ways that challenge (or reinforce) ethnic and racial oppression.

Philosophical reflection on racial profiling tends to take one of two forms. The first sees it as an example of 'statistical discrimination,' (SD), raising the question of when, if ever, probabilistic generalisations about group behaviour or characteristics can be used to judge particular individuals.(Applbaum 2014; Harcourt 2004; Hellman, 2014; Risse and Zeckhauser 2004; Risse 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2006; Lippert-Rasmussen 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2014) . This approach treats racial profiling as one example amongst many others of a general problem in egalitarian political philosophy, occasioned by the fact that treating people as equals does not always require, or permit, us to treat them the same. The second form is concerned with how racial profiling illuminates the nature, justification, and reproduction of hierarchies of power and privilege based on skin colour and morphology. This form of reflection on racial profiling is therefore less about the justification for judging people based on the characteristics of the group to which they (appear to) belong, and more concerned with the specific ways in which the association of racialized minorities – and, in particular, black people – with crime, contributes to, and reflects, racial inequality, and oppression.(Kennedy 1998; Zack, 2015; Lever, 2005; Lever 2007). Both approaches to2profiling have much to recommend them and, taken together, they form an essential component of the political philosophy of race. The statistical approach has the merits of linking racial profiling, as practice, to a body of other practices that generate and justify inequalities based on factors other than race, but it typically offers little by way of insight into the role of racial profiling itself in sustaining racial inequality and injustice. The racial construction approach, for obvious reasons, is rather better at the latter task, but its insights tend to come at the price of a broader understanding of the ways in which inequality is reproduced and justified, or of the ethical ...

Philosophical reflection on racial profiling tends to take one of two forms. The first sees it as an example of 'statistical discrimination,' (SD), raising the question of when, if ever, probabilistic generalisations about group behaviour or characteristics can be used to judge particular individuals.(Applbaum 2014; Harcourt 2004; Hellman, 2014; Risse and Zeckhauser 2004; Risse 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2006; Lippert-Rasmussen 2007; Lippert-Rasmussen 2014) . This approach treats racial profiling as one example amongst many others of a general problem in egalitarian political philosophy, occasioned by the fact that treating people as equals does not always require, or permit, us to treat them the same. The second form is concerned with how racial profiling illuminates the nature, justification, and reproduction of hierarchies of power and privilege based on skin colour and morphology. This form of reflection on racial profiling is therefore less about the justification for judging people based on the characteristics of the group to which they (appear to) belong, and more concerned with the specific ways in which the association of racialized minorities – and, in particular, black people – with crime, contributes to, and reflects, racial inequality, and oppression.(Kennedy 1998; Zack, 2015; Lever, 2005; Lever 2007). Both approaches to2profiling have much to recommend them and, taken together, they form an essential component of the political philosophy of race. The statistical approach has the merits of linking racial profiling, as practice, to a body of other practices that generate and justify inequalities based on factors other than race, but it typically offers little by way of insight into the role of racial profiling itself in sustaining racial inequality and injustice. The racial construction approach, for obvious reasons, is rather better at the latter task, but its insights tend to come at the price of a broader understanding of the ways in which inequality is reproduced and justified, or of the ethical dilemmas raised by our competing claims to security. As we will see, insights from both approaches can be synthesized to clarify what, if anything, is wrong with racial profiling and what broader conclusions for equality and security follow from the study of profiling. ; La réflexion philosophique sur le profilage racial prend deux formes. La première approche consiste à considérer le profilage racial comme un exemple de « discrimination statistique », ce qui soulève la question de savoir à partir de quand des généralisations probabilistes sur le comportement ou les caractéristiques d'un groupe peuvent être utilisées pour juger des individus particuliers. La seconde approche se concentre sur la manière dont le profilage racial met en lumière la reproduction des hiérarchies de pouvoir et de privilège basées sur la couleur de peau et la morphologie. Nous verrons qu'il est possible de synthétiser les enseignements tirés de ces deux approches pour clarifier ce qui, le cas échéant, ne va pas avec le profilage racial et quelles conclusions plus générales pour l'égalité et la sécurité découlent de l'étude du profilage.

"People of color must endure racial discrimination even as others may be blind to it. There is a lot of statistical data showing American institutions treat citizens very differently based on race. Many individuals believe this widespread racial discrimination occurs in numerous ways, from racial profiling and police brutality against black citizens to public examples of racism against people of color.Yet the prevalence of racial discrimination is a controversial issue, with Americans having opinions that often differ based on their race."--Provided by publisher