Suchergebnisse

Sintomatologia e politica razziale in AustraliaRiassunto: Jindabyne (una pellicola girata da Ray Lawrence nel 2006) si apre con l'uccisione di una giovane donna aborigena; tuttavia il punto su cui questa pellicola effettivamente si concentra è il modo in cui la gente reagisce a questo delitto. Per questo motivo, questo film ci dice molte interessanti verità sui rapporti interrazziali nell'Australia di oggi. La mia proposta è quella di leggere Jindabyne come un'utile allegoria nazionale (nel senso dato a questo lemma da Jameson); il film è una mappa o una cartografia che ritrae i luoghi comuni politici e culturali nella fase storica attuale. Al fondo della mia ipotesi sta il fatto che non possa essere solo una coincidenza il fatto che Jindabyne dia un tale spazio al problema dell'apologia culturale in questa particolare congiuntura della storia australiana. Anche se questo aspetto del film ha avuto poco risalto in alcune delle recensioni che ne hanno accompagnato l'uscita, mi colpisce il carattere sintomatico della tempistica: si tratta di un tema che, come una volta Deleuze ebbe a dire a proposito della differenza, era già nell'aria. Prodotto solo due anni prima dell'apologia nazionale ufficiale del primo ministro australiano Kevin Rudd agli indigeni d'Australia il 13 febbraio 2008, Jindabyne risponde a un complesso insieme di problemi culturali che erano all'ordine del giorno della politica nazionale dal 1995, quando fu reso noto Bringing Them Home, il rapporto della Commissione sulle Pari Opportunità e sui Diritti Umani relativo all'inchiesta di carattere nazionale vertente sulla cosiddetta "Generazione Rubata".Parole chiave: Razza; Politica australiana; Diritti degli indigeni; Allegoria nazionale; Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari. Abstract: Jindabyne (a movie directed by Ray Lawrence, 2006) begins with the murder of a young aboriginal woman, but its real focus is the way people respond to this murder. In doing so, it tells several interesting truths about race relations in Australia today. I want to suggest that Jindabyne can usefully be read as a national allegory (in Jameson's sense of the word). It maps or diagrams the cultural and political tropes of the present moment in history. My basic hypothesis is that it cannot be a coincidence that Jindabyne should give such prominence to the cultural problematic of the apology at this particular juncture in Australia's history. Although this aspect of the film is scarcely mentioned in any of the reviews that accompanied the film's premier, it strikes me that the timing is symptomatic: it is a topic that as Deleuze once said about difference was very much in the air. Produced only two years before the official national apology the Prime Minister of Australia Kevin Rudd made to the Indigenous peoples of Australia on February 13, 2008, Jindabyne responds to a complex assemblage of cultural problematics that have been on the national political agenda ever since the release in 1995 of Bringing Them Home, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's report on its national inquiry into the so-called "Stolen Generation".Keywords: Race; Australian Politics; Indigenous Rights; National Allegory; Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

This essay analyzes the relationship between the processes of exclusion in the United States of America that motivated the recent massive protests under the banner of Black Lives Matter and the US's international role in maintaining the unipolar social order. Losurdian analyses of colonialism and racial despecification are tied to the formulation produced on race relations and social stratification by the Brazilian sociologists Octavio Ianni and Florestan Fernandes. The study also presents some possible interpretative parallels between class structures and their connections with racism in Brazil and the United States. As we will show, there is a significant approximation between the authors in their approach to the issue of racism. For Ianni, imperialism extends internally to the dominant nation so that the same fundamentals which govern external economic and political relations also manage internal political and economic ties. Therefore, economic-social and political development within the metropolis is also unequal. This process, which he called "internal colonialism", is based on racist conceptions against part of the population, as Togliatti pointed out when he wrote that «the Liberal doctrine is based on a barbaric discrimination between human creatures». According to Losurdo, «beyond the colonies, such discrimination also spreads in the capitalist metropolis itself, as shown by the case of Black Americans, largely deprived of fundamental rights, discriminated against and persecuted» We start from the observation that the difficulties currently experienced by the United States, whose world hegemony is in decline, are also expressed at the national level by the deepening of internal colonialism and the re-emergence of racist movements on the American political scene. Based on this research, we highlight the strength of Losurdo's interpretation concerning the centrality of the fight for recognition as a real and effective manifestation of the class struggle in contemporary times. Racism; Class Struggle; ...

The early part of the essay focuses on the dramatic change in the critical status of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, a major point of reference for feminist criticism through the 1970s and 1980s, who later became the target of accusations of racism in the 1990s. The author first traces the influence of second-wave and third-wave feminism on Gilman studies, and then looks at the ideological and rhetorical common ground shared by certain postures of revisionist criticism in the 1990s along with the culture of political correctness, with special reference to John L. Jackson's notion of "de cardio racism". ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; open ; De Biasio, Anna ; De Biasio, Anna

Examines the democratic transition and consolidation process in South Africa; the Apr. 1994 multi-racial elections, regional economic integration, politics in southern Africa, constitutional revision, and other issues; 6 articles. Summaries in English p. 290-2.

This essay explores the ways in which American culture, post 9-11, has depicted Arabs and Muslims as the new enemy around which to polarize fears relative to its national security, a racialized other whose status has shifted from invisible subjects to contested "problem minorities". Carosso looks at the way in which the racialization of Arabs and Muslims in the US has a history of its own, well predating the so-called "war on terror", and ultimately going back to the unresolved racial status of Arabs amid US assimilation practices predicated upon the performance of a "racial dramaturgy". The author suggests that the post 9-11 backlash has been based on previously consolidated Orientalist biases in the US aiming at marginalizing Arabs and Muslims from the national body politic.

What happened to the university teachers who were expelled after the racial laws of 1938? And what about the more numerous and less known unstructured scholars who were suspended from service? What did the students who were denied university enrolment or the new graduates with no prospects for their future do? The university archives tell us nothing about this; the general aim was for scholars and students who were declared of "Jewish race" to be cancelled and forgotten. It was not a small number of them who decided to leave Italy. What were their paths and help networks? How were they treated abroad? How much did Italian culture suffer from those losses? After the war, did universities try to restore them? The expatriates who returned could have brought new knowledge and ideas, but many never returned. Why? By focusing on the relevant case of Florence, the volume investigates the minimized phenomenon of intellectual emigration for political and racial reasons. A recent past in need of consideration and reflection.

Both classicists and historians of Fascism have discussed at length how, in Fascist Italy, the nationalist myth of ancient Rome was used as a totalitarian ideology in order to legitimise racist and imperialist politics. Integrating their analysis with the history of political uses of Etruscan identity under Fascism can prove useful to enlighten the history of Italian nationalism and racism. In fact, the Etruscans were historically associated with a regional identity, and memorialised as enemies of Rome. Since the modern age, uncertainties about their ethnic origins and the interpretation of their language prompted an international debate between different racial theories. In Fascist Italy, the Etruscans were widely considered as autochthonous people, ethnically and culturally similar to the Italic and Roman people. They were also depicted as the direct racial forefathers of modern Italians and Tuscans. The regionalist, nationalist and racist enhancement of the Etruscan civilisation under Fascism clearly emerged in modern art, literature, and certainly from historiography, archaeology and anthropology. Nonetheless, as the Fascist regime aligned itself with Nazi Germany, the representation of the Etruscans as the ancestors of the Italian and Tuscan race had to face new racial theories. A complex debate between Italian and German racists concerned the Etruscans as a potentially alien body within the Italian race. After the fall of the Fascist regime and the end of the war, Italian scholars avoided to admit their political responsibilities, and pursued their nationalist approach ; Les antiquisants et les historiens du fascisme ont étudié le mythe nationaliste de la romanité en tant qu'élément central du régime fasciste et de son idéologie impérialiste et raciste. On se sert ici de leur analyse pour faire l'histoire des utilisations politiques de l'identité étrusque sous le fascisme. Le cas des Étrusques, anciens ennemis de Rome et historiquement associés à une identité régionale, peut éclairer le fonctionnement du ...

Both classicists and historians of Fascism have discussed at length how, in Fascist Italy, the nationalist myth of ancient Rome was used as a totalitarian ideology in order to legitimise racist and imperialist politics. Integrating their analysis with the history of political uses of Etruscan identity under Fascism can prove useful to enlighten the history of Italian nationalism and racism. In fact, the Etruscans were historically associated with a regional identity, and memorialised as enemies of Rome. Since the modern age, uncertainties about their ethnic origins and the interpretation of their language prompted an international debate between different racial theories. In Fascist Italy, the Etruscans were widely considered as autochthonous people, ethnically and culturally similar to the Italic and Roman people. They were also depicted as the direct racial forefathers of modern Italians and Tuscans. The regionalist, nationalist and racist enhancement of the Etruscan civilisation under Fascism clearly emerged in modern art, literature, and certainly from historiography, archaeology and anthropology. Nonetheless, as the Fascist regime aligned itself with Nazi Germany, the representation of the Etruscans as the ancestors of the Italian and Tuscan race had to face new racial theories. A complex debate between Italian and German racists concerned the Etruscans as a potentially alien body within the Italian race. After the fall of the Fascist regime and the end of the war, Italian scholars avoided to admit their political responsibilities, and pursued their nationalist approach ; Les antiquisants et les historiens du fascisme ont étudié le mythe nationaliste de la romanité en tant qu'élément central du régime fasciste et de son idéologie impérialiste et raciste. On se sert ici de leur analyse pour faire l'histoire des utilisations politiques de l'identité étrusque sous le fascisme. Le cas des Étrusques, anciens ennemis de Rome et historiquement associés à une identité régionale, peut éclairer le fonctionnement du ...

Overview of the US electoral campaign with a specific focus on the racial basis of Trump's representation of America. ; Il fenomeno Trump si è nutrito di risentimenti razziali e paure economiche – fenomeni che hanno messo in crisi la stessa identità del paese per molti suoi elettori. E gli anni di Obama hanno fatto da incubatore per un vero "white backlash". Il prezzo è la disgregazione dell'elettorato repubblicano. Sul lato democratico, Hillary Clinton incarna un establishment incerto sulle ricette economiche, che non ispira grande fiducia. Nell'insieme la politica americana compie una virata nazionalista.

Fifty years after, Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth continues to be one of theoretical models of black radical tradition. The thought of Frantz Fanon was also problematized by the constellation of writers who were engaged in the construction of postcolonial literary identity. The story of the relationship between Fanon and the national liberation movements in Angola illuminates not only political and military processes of decolonization in Africa but also the influence of Fanon's thought. In the Pepetela's novel, A Geração da Utopia (1992), Elias as a fanonian misreader, reformulates the Fanon's thought to defend a racial position of UPA (União das Populações de Angola)

Anna Julia Copper's life can be considered as the epitome of a continuous sense of estrangement that was translated into intellectual and moral agency, into leadership in the field of education as a vehicle for social, economic, political freedom, into intense community work, and into major activism in black women's rights organizations. She experienced estrangement on several fronts: towards her condition as a black woman, ex-slave, and the subordinate role often reserved for Afro-American women even within the communities to which they belonged; towards her sense of citizenship in a Western country considered the bulwark of democracy, in which segregation and racial violence were a daily reality; against a nationalism from which she felt distant, as a convinced supporter of Pan-Africanism and a global black community. ; Anna Julia Copper's life can be considered as the epitome of a continuous sense of estrangement that was translated into intellectual and moral agency, into leadership in the field of education as a vehicle for social, economic, political freedom, into intense community work, and into major activism in black women's rights organizations. She experienced estrangement on several fronts: towards her condition as a black woman, ex-slave, and the subordinate role often reserved for Afro-American women even within the communities to which they belonged; towards her sense of citizenship in a Western country considered the bulwark of democracy, in which segregation and racial violence were a daily reality; against a nationalism from which she felt distant, as a convinced supporter of Pan-Africanism and a global black community.