Suchergebnisse

Il Partito Giustizialista, vincitore delle elezioni del settembre 1987, e quello radicale in

Geopolitics of Islam, political crisis and rise of the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria, radical movements in Egypt, Central Asian Islam, Iran's foreign policy after the Second Gulf war, Turkish politics, the National Islamic Front in Sudan, condition of Muslim women, and other issues; 13 articles. Summaries in English p. 319-23.

The 1970 was a tumultuous decade in the history of the CCP. Plagued by political extremism & acrimonious leadership infighting, the decade saw the demise of Lin Biao, the rise & fall of the radical Gang of Four (including another potential successor Wang Hongwen), the death of Zhou Enlai & Mao in 1976, the emergence of a complete outsider as leader in the shape of Hua Guofeng & the subsequent & rapid eclipse of Hua by Deng Xiaoping, returning from his second period of political exile. The emergence of Deng was of huge significance in that it marked the end of radical Maoism & the beginning of a new era of economic reform. After decades of political instability the party in effect turned its back on the discredited Maoist paradigms of mass mobilization & charismatic legitimacy & re-invented itself as the party of economic performance based on the program of the Four Modernization. Adapted from the source document.

Pier Paolo Pasolini was one of the most controversial Italian authors of the second half of the 20th century. A very particular character in the cultural and literary Italian world, he played an important and critical part in a society tending to a total homologation. Pier Paolo Pasolini spread a radical censure against the consumers' culture and the social homologation. However, in his literary and cinematographic work, beside a hard realism by which he presented his cultural denunciation, it's evident – perhaps in a contradictory way – an attempt to mythicising the "lumpenproletariat" that represented, in his opinion, the innocence and the cultural virginity that the neo-capitalistic culture was suppressing.

The debate upon the waning of war encompasses nearly all the major cleavages of contemporary International Relations Theory. The goals of this article are threefold. Firstly, we will offer an extensive and articulated review of the literature, one which parts company with the most common reviews relying on such criteria as the level of analysis or the different approaches to the discipline. Secondly, we aim at enriching the contemporary debate, by taking into consideration some past and somehow more radical contributes, dating back to the European Civil War of the XX century. Finally, our last goal is highlighting some silences and distortions which contribute to hinder the debate upon the decline of war, while reflecting, at the same time, characteristic biases which the IR theory has not overcome yet. Adapted from the source document.

This work examines the political legacy of colonialism in Kenya and the knock-on effect this has had on the current crisis of citizenship in Kenya. In colonial times, the British introduced indirect rule through the Provincial Administration, a hierarchical structure that imposed upon the urban and rural populace two distinct forms of political and legal identities: that of citizens and that of natives. In the rural areas, natives were governed according to "customary law" (which the colonisers called "tribal tradition"). This paper concentrates on this sphere of the colonial State because its consequences can still be felt today in rural areas -- in particular in terms of the recurrent violence resulting from a crisis of citizenship. In rural provinces, land represents the main source of income and means of survival. Land was managed by the Provincial Administration according to the logic of colonial power and, of course, to its benefit. During decolonisation and after independence, the same logic was applied by the African elites. An analysis of how Britain and post-colonial governments have ruled Kenya shows the need for a radical change in the approach originally adopted by the Provincial Administration. The European colonial outlook underpinning this approach is outmoded and dangerous as it fans the flames of contemporary social violence, which the media often characterises over-simplistically as ethnic conflict. Adapted from the source document.

Hizballah, the "Party of God" started to take shape in Lebanon in 1982, as a response to the Israeli invasion. During the first stage of its existence, Hizballah -- deeply influenced by the example of the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran -- aimed not only at turning back the Israelis but at the creation of an Islamic state in Lebanon (idea that lost much of its importance during the last years). In fact, at the time Hizballah was both a radical Islamist movement and a communal political organization, aiming at representing the Shi'a of Lebanon. This categorization overlooks the fact that, in the course of time, Hizballah has become something much more complex than a purely military and/or terrorist organization. Gradually it had extended its presence in the Lebanese civil society, creating a increasingly extensive network of welfare and educational services. Then, beginning with 1992, Hizballah, going through a crucial political development, started to take part in the elections, repeatedly winning several seats. Since then, Hizballah has progressively lost much of its identity as a community based Islamist party, and has increasingly turned into a modern nationalist mass party, although with its own peculiar features. The aim of this article is that of arriving at a more balanced assessment of Hizballah than the one that is presently dominant in the West. Accordingly it sketches out the historical development of the movement and its (incomplete) transformation from a military organization into a modern political party, actively involved in parliamentary politics. In doing this, the structure of the "Party of God" is analyzed and discussed, in order to explain some of Hizballah's main peculiarities. Finally, a conclusion dwells on two main problems left open by Hizballah's incomplete transformation, namely: (1) the continuing contradiction between Hizballah as terrorist-Islamist organization and Hizballah as a modern political party acting in a democratic setting; and (2) the problems arising from the mixture between religion and politics that continues to inform Hizballah's politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the possibility of applying the tools of economic analysis of law, which are traditionally used in the field of private law, to public law as well. The first part investigates constitutional law issues, addressed by prevailing approaches through the social contract framework, by applying an agreement model to a general public good such as the State. This model is typically based on games with features of the 'prisoner's dilemma.' Through the analysis of constitutional preferences that may transform such dilemma in a game with full cooperation equilibrium, two types of preferences are compared: 'utilitarian based on impartiality principle' & 'rawlsian based on difference principle'; it is shown that this second type better facilitates the constitutional agreement. With the objective of utilizing more easily economic theory tools, the article then attempts to apply the distinction between private & public good to that between private & public rights. In particular, both public goods & public rights can be assimilated as they are non-excludable & non-transferable through exchanges or contracts. Moreover, an attempt is made to define an economic counterpart to the juridical notion of 'general interest' which is the basis for those norms in the fields of public & administrative law envisaging the direct intervention of the State to remedy market failures, both at constitutional & sub-constitutional level. Hence the question of what are the most efficient legal procedures to solve such problems is addressed. Using above all the case of negative externalities related to private goods, the article discusses in particular when it is more efficient to resort to administrative interventions rather than judicial ones; or otherwise allowing such problems to be dealt with through private bargaining between injured & injurers. In this respect the latest literature of economic analysis of law often favors private bargaining in the spirit of Coase's thinking. However, it is here put forward that in terms of cost-benefit analysis economic theory reaches much less radical conclusions often supporting the higher efficiency of legal rules & administrative types of intervention. In the final part of the article, different legal systems (minimal, neoliberal, welfarist) are compared by way of analyzing their rationale & limitations from an efficiency point of view. Adapted from the source document.