Suchergebnisse

U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.

Članak donosi rezultate empirijskog istraživanja o odnosu lokalnog stanovništva prema potencijalnoj izgradnjiterminala za ukapljeni plin (LNG) pored naselja Omišalj na otoku Krku, 2006. godine na uzorku od 240ispitanika.Analizom rezultata autorica odgovara na tri postavljena pitanja: da li je lokalno stanovništvo spremno na aktivanangažman u svezi projekta LNG; koji su uvjeti stanovništva za moguće prihvaćanje izgradnje terminala;kakav je angažman lokalnog stanovništva u političkim strankama i udruženjima građana.Rezultati su pokazali da je trećina ispitanika potpuno pasivna dok je relativno mali postotak ispitanika spremansuprotstaviti se izgradnji (15,8%) ili pak uz neku osobnu korist (13,3%). Postoji spremnost da se prihvatiizgradnja LNG terminala pod uvjetom da se time ne zagađuje more - Kvarnerski zaljev (72%) i neugrožava turizam (67%).Najveći broj ispitanika angažiran je u sportskim udrugama (11%), zatim udrugama civilnog društva a najmanjiu političkim strankama (ispod 5%). Rezultati se analiziraju s obzirom na sociodemografska obilježjaispitanika.Autorica zaključuje da su slabi lokalni potencijali civilnog društva. ; Results of empirical research (survey) about local population's relation toward possible building of LNG terminal near byOmišalj on the island Krk are presented in this paper. Survey was conducted during the year 2006, on the occasionalsample of local population (N=240).Through results analysis author is answered on three standing questions: (1) about local population's readiness for activeengagement considering LNG project, (2) about local population's specific conditions for possible acceptance of LNGterminal building, (3) about local population's engagement in political parties and associations of citizens.Results are showed that one third of examinees are totally passive, while relatively small percent of them is ready to standagainst building of LNG terminal (15, 8%), or will be trying to gain some personal benefit from it (13, 3%). There is areadiness for LNG terminal's acceptance, but under conditions that this building would not pollute the sea –Kvarner Bay(72, 0%) and would not jeopardize tourism (67, 0%).The majority of local population is included in sports associations (11, 0%), then in civil society associations, andminority is included in political parties (below 5, 0%). Results were also analyzed considering basic socio-demographiccharacteristics.Among other things, author concluded that local potentials for civil society are weak.

Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe & the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, southeast Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign policy arena, in which its engagement -- which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one -- has not proved too costly. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

Rad preispituje teoriju deliberativne demokracije na temelju Rancièreovog poimanja "nesuglasnosti". Predstavljena su dva dominantna pravca teorije deliberativne demokracije - onaj Johna Rawlsa te onaj Jürgena Habermasa. Nasuprot teoriji deliberativne demokracije, Rancière tumači demokraciju kao pojavnost u sporu koji nastaje podizanjem zahtjeva za jednakošću od onih koji su dio zajednice, ali bez udjela u moći ili jednakim pravima. S njegovom teorijom otvara se prostor za preispitivanje dominacije deliberativne demokracije u trenutnim raspravama o demokraciji. Ispituje se mogućnost racionalnog promišljanja kao osnove demokracije u društvu sa složenim i ukorijenjenim nejednakostima te se suprotstavlja važnost konsenzusa naspram nesuglasnosti. ; This paper re-examines the theory of deliberative democracy based on Rancière's notion of "disagreement". Two dominant directions of the theory of deliberative democracy are presented - that of John Rawls and that of Jürgen Habermas. Contrary to the theory of deliberative democracy, Rancière interprets democracy as a phenomenon in a dispute that arises from the raising of demands for equality by those who are part of the community, but without a share in power or equal rights. With his theory, space opens up for re-examining the dominance of deliberative democracy in current debates about democracy. The possibility of rational thinking as the basis of democracy in a society with complex and ingrained inequalities is examined, and the importance of consensus versus disagreement is opposed.

Posljednjih godina svjedoci smo intenzivnih akademskih rasprava o potencijalu društvenih medija u Češkoj Republici. U fokusu tih rasprava uglavnom su stranice političkih stranaka na društvenim medijima, a u posljednje se vrijeme fokus akademskih rasprava o upotrebi društvenih medija pomaknuo na političare. Cilj je ovog rada pružiti uvid u ulogu Facebooka u komunikaciji političkih stranaka i kandidata za vrijeme čeških parlamentarnih izbora 2013. Analiziramo kako je sedam političkih stranaka i dvjesto političara prihvatilo Facebook kao mobilizacijski alat te tražimo sličnosti i razlike u smislu prihvaćanja, strategije i uključivanja korisnika. Iako se utjecaj političke stranke čini važnom varijablom, naše istraživanje upućuje na to da je za uspjeh na Facebooku na individualnoj razini vrlo važno korištenje drugih digitalnih kanala. ; The last few years have witnessed an intensified academic debate on the potential of online social networking sites (SNSs) in the Czech Republic. However, the ensuing academic discussions focused mostly on the SNS pages of political parties. Politicians in particular have recently become the focus of attention in the shift towards research exploring the use of SNSs. The aim of this paper is to provide insight into the role of Facebook in the communication of parties and candidates during the Czech parliamentary elections in 2013. We analyse the adoption of Facebook as a mobilization tool by seven parties as well as by 200 individual deputies, looking for similarities and differences in terms of the adoption, strategy and engagement of users. Although party influence seems to be a significant predictor of Facebook adoption, our data also indicate that using other digital channels increases the chances of higher engagement on Facebook at the individual level.

In der bisherigen Ujevic-Forschung wurde seine jugendliche politische Tätigkeit weniger als sein dichterisches Meisterwerk beachtet, nicht zuletzt auch deshalb, weil die reale Existenz beider »jugoslawischen « Staaten (1918—1941 und von 1945 bis vorgestern) bestimmte Grundfragen des Jugoslavismus zum Tabu gemacht hat. Jedoch ist die geistige und ideologisch-politische Entwicklung des jungen Intelektuel- len gerade paradigmatisch für seine ganze Generation und Ujevic selbst eine der Hauptfiguren der Bewegung der »Nationalistischen Jugend« in Kroatien. Zuerst ein entschiedener Anhänger der kroatischen Nationalidee von Ante Starcevic, wurde Ujevic zum Verfechter des jugoslawischen Nationalismus, und kämpfte auch in der Emigration für einen gemeinsamen südslawischen Staat. Von der gross-serbischen Politik Belgrads enttäuscht, brach er 1919 mit Politik ab und widmete sich nur der Dichtung. Der vorliegende Text — es ist ein Vortrag, den der Verfasser im Juli 1991 vor ausländischen Slavisten der Zagreber Sla- vistenschule gehalten hat — schildert die Entwicklungsphasen seines politischen Engagements und bietet — neben der Ergebnissen der bisherigen Forschung — einige neue Fakten und Ansichten. Die politischen Gedanken Ujevics werden durch ausgewählte Textbeispiele (Gedichte, Publizistik) illustriert.

Sve veća nepovezanost građana i donositelja odluka gura politiku u smjeru koji će dovesti do preoblikovanja institucionalnog aranžmana. Komunikacijski alati mogu imati važnu ulogu u razvijanju novih prostora za participaciju građana. Postoje različiti modeli kojima vlada i javna administracija mogu poduprijeti građansku participaciju: e-vlada, otvorena vlada i specifičan dizajn digitalne demokracije. Otvorena vlada može biti jedan od načina za ponovno povezivanje građana i političkih institucija, ali u isto vrijeme može biti i "privlačan" alat za institucionalizaciju participacije odozdo prema gore i njezino umrtvljivanje. Cilj je ovog rada predstaviti prva saznanja međunarodnog istraživačkog projekta na temu otvorene vlade i participacijskih platformi u četiri europske države (Francuskoj, Italiji, Španjolskoj i Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu). Istraživanje nastoji otkriti mogu li platforme za participaciju poboljšati kvalitetu demokracije i može li otvorena vlada doprinijeti demokratizaciji demokracije. ; The growing disconnection between citizens and decision-makers is pushing politics towards a re-shaping of institutional design. New spaces of political participation are sustained and even reinforced by communication, especially by digital communication. Governments and public administrations can find and use different models to facilitate citizens' participation; e-government, open government and a specific design of digital democracy. In this respect, open government can constitute a way to re-connect citizens and political institutions, but at the same time, it can also be an "appealing" tool to institutionalize bottom-up participation and so anesthetizing it. The aim of this article is to present the first findings of an international research project about open government and participatory platforms in four European countries (France, Italy, Spain, the UK). The study tries to understand if participatory platforms can improve the quality of democracy, and if open government can contribute to democratizing democracy.

Predgovor / Vjeran Pavlaković -- Strategije simbolične izgradnje nacije u državama jugoistočne Europe : ciljevi i rezultati / Pål Kolstø i Vatroslav Jelovica -- Ispunjenje tisuć;etnog sna : strategije simbolične izgradnje nacije u Hrvatskoj / Vjeran Pavlaković -- U raljama nacije i labavom okrilju države : linije podjela, ravnodušnosti i lojalnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini / Ana Dević -- Srbija i simbolična (re)konstrukcija nacije / Vladan Jovanović -- Kada dvije ruke njišu kolijevku : simbolična dimenzija podjele oko državnosti i identiteta u Crnoj Gori / Jelena Džankić -- Topografija izgradnje nacije na Kosovu / Vjollca Krasniqi -- Strategije izgradnje makedonske države i nacije i suparnički projekti između 1991. i 2012. / Ljupčo S. Risteski i Armanda Kodra Hysa -- Izvješće o statusu 100 godina Albanije : je li dovršena simbolična izgradnja nacije? / Cecilie Endresen

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.