Suchergebnisse

Today, a growing number of French Jews embrace the far-right French Front National party, which has a long history of anti-Semitism – how did we get here? How is it that Jews turn to the French authorities for protection against so-called Muslim anti-Semitic violence? How is it that we see a similar pattern across Europe: in Belgium, The Netherlands, Denmark, and Britain? This essay addresses these questions by calling attention to the role played by the absent-present Christian West in creating and aggravating tensions between Jews and Muslims while seemingly fulfilling the role of mediation between the two. The essay suggests that current popular images of Jews and Muslims circulating in Western media ironically echo nineteenth-century European depictions of Semites – both Jews and Muslims as devoted monotheistic fanatics controlled by zeal and despotism and in need of external salvation. The bulk of the essay thus focuses on "Semitism" and examines the role of nineteenth-century European philology in disseminating Western perceptions of Jewish and Muslim inferiority. Finally, the essay advocates a re-appropriation of Semitism as an alternative memory, or rather a re-memory which as such is also a re-membering of Jews and Muslims along their shared historical position as radical Others within the hegemonic, Western, Euro-Christian epistemological order.

Red Riding Hood is a story that has been retold and reimagined more frequently than most. Where the oral tradition often celebrated Red's sexuality and cunning, literary versions transform the tale into one in which a young girl is blamed for her own rape – or, in many feminist versions, where she fights back. Drawing on discussions with writers and feminist activists in Uganda, and on work by Ugandan and Irish writers and scholars, I explore how this troubling and ambiguous story can be used to facilitate communication across difference and culturally situated solidarities. I present a retelling of Red Riding Hood from an Irish perspective, using this as a springboard to explore parallels and disjunctures between Irish and Ugandan storytelling traditions and perspectives on women's rights and sexuality. I explore the potential of using this well-known European story to surface and contest dominant framings of women's rights, and as a contact point to enable dialogue between more peripheral European (Irish) and Ugandan (Kiganda and Soga) cultural traditions, facilitating mutual recognition, while remaining aware of and explicitly surfacing differences between these traditions. Telling and retelling ambiguous stories like Red Riding Hood can create space to consider where we come from and what we desire, and how those desires might be engaged through or might influence relationships of solidarity.

Yamashita's use of mythic verism in Tropic of Orange and a reimagined doppelgänger trope in I Hotel depicts the ir/real nature of the taxonomy of identity and of Asian America and other minority groups being constituted in and beyond the mainstream or conventional understanding of the idea of America and of the identity of the US nation-state as being built upon discursive technologies of amnesia and misinterpellation of the subject of US history and its Other.

Critical sociological analysis suggests that the film Stomp the Yard immerses its audience in a myopic legend of African American fraternities and sororities. Combining historical photos of Civil Rights leaders, traditions of 'stepping', tales of meritocratic social uplift, and romanticized aspects of historically black college or university (HBCU) culture, Stomp the Yard reveals a hyper-individualistic, conservative, and politically blunted form of historiography. Specifically, five ideological mythologies ground the film's construction of Civil Rights memory and racialized identities. These mythologies decisively fail to interrogate the complexity of black fraternities and sororities. In so doing, they invite a critical blindness to these organizations' role in past Civil Rights struggles as well as their intersection with contemporary issues such as classism, hazing, and resistance to contemporary forms of racism and racial inequality.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Luton ; Studies on the representation of 'local' populations, in and through tourism, have tended to focus on 'traditional' peoples in 'developing' countries. In this study of the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in the discourse of Official Tourism Organisations (OTOs), by contrast, I focus on a 'developed' West European country: England. This study was carried out in order critically to inspect the representation/signification of 'minority' ethnic populations in the text and talk of OTOs in England within the period 2000-2003. The study is framed within an anti foundational dialogue of social constructionism. In analysing OTO discursive practices I use Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to explore the representation of ethno-cultural diversity in a number of 'interview', 'operational' and 'promotional' texts. The CDA framework employed is designed to reveal patterns of discourse in the text as well as to provide a basis for understanding the micro context (for 'operational' and 'promotional' texts) of text production and distribution. Also, the framework facilitates a consideration of the macro institutional context within which OTOs in England operate. From the analysis of OTO texts carried out in this study I propose a number of interpretative findings, including 'discourses' of denial, equality and otherness. Overall, the 'interpretative findings' suggest that OTO texts are produced and circulated within a discourse of silence on matters of ethno-cultural diversity in England. I conclude this study by suggesting a number of transforrnative actions for the development by OTOs in England of an ethical 'politics of articulation'. In addition I identify a number of problematic arenas within which tourism studies scholars might pursue future research agendas and to that end I propose some potentially useful points of entry into the broader social science literature.

This article reads with Michi Saagiig Nishnaabe writer and independent scholar Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, and Nêhiyaw legal scholar and novelist Tracey Lindberg. The practice of reading with involves heeding textual instructions and prioritising narrative terms of engagement. Indigenous bodies layered with resurgent potential in Lindberg's and Simpson's fictions refuse to re-centre the legacy of white settler coloniality. Attending to the process of reading with, as a relational undertaking, involves re-apprising cross-generational legacies and re-membering collective responsibilities.

COLLECTIVE RE-MEMBERING IS EXAMINED IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PRODUCT OF WEIMAR AS EUROPEAN CITY OF CULTURE. WEIMAR, CRADLE OF GERMAN CULTURE, AND LOCATION OF THE PROTOTYPE CONCENTRATION CAMP, IS FORMULATED AS A SITE OF ANTAGONISM. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN A WALKING/TALKING TOUR OF THE CITY AND REMEMBERING IS DISCUSSED WITH REFERENCE TO FREUD AND WITTGENSTEIN. REMEMERING IS CONSIDERED AS SUTURING, AND AS IDEOLOGICAL INTERPELLATION, HEGEMONIC PRACTICES WHICH ARE DEPLOYED IN THE CONTEXT OF WALKING IN THE CITY. THE SUBJECT INTERPELLATED IN WEIMAR, EUROPEAN CITY OF CULTURE, IS THE BLASE COSMOPOLITAN CAPABLE OF LIVING WITH IRRECONCILABLE ANTAGONISM; AN IDEAL TYPE CITIZEN THAT WOULD BE THE KEYSTONE OF EUROPEAN UNITY. LIMITATIONS OF THIS HEGEMONIC PROJECT ARE CONSIDERED IN THE LIGHT OF THE CONDITIONS OF POST-MODERNITY.

AbstractbyElizabeth FarfánJoint Doctorate of Philosophy in Medical Anthropology with the University of California San Francisco University of California BerkeleyProfessor Nancy Scheper-Hughes, ChairAfrican ancestry and collective resistance to slavery play a central role in access to constitutional rights for Brazilians living in rural black communities denominated comunidades remanescentes de quilombos. In the effort to repatriate lands to the descendants of quilombolas or fugitive slaves, the Brazilian government, together with the Brazilian Anthropological Association, and Black Movement activists, turned rural black communities into national patrimony through a series of public policies that emphasize their ethnic and cultural difference by connecting them to quilombo ancestors. Article 68 of the 1988 Brazilian constitution declared that any descendants of quilombos who were still occupying their ancestor's lands should be recognized as owners and granted land titles by the federal government. With the help of NGOs, rural black communities are re-learning their identity and becoming quilombos in order to obtain the land and social rights they need to continue surviving. While the quilombo clause may seem like an important historical change in the ability of black Brazilians to use the constitution to their advantage, it is important to ask what the stakes are of becoming a quilombo for the residents of a community. Here I explore the ways in the quilombo recognition process has significantly impacted the lives of a community in São Francisco do Paraguaçu in the Recôncavo of Bahia. Engaging with scholarship that questions multiculturalist policies, new forms of citizenship, and the re-construction of colonial subjectivities into modern political identities, I argue that the quilombo clause, and the bureaucratic system built to support it, recycles a romanticized and nostalgic story of slavery and resistance in colonial Brazil through a process I call (re)membering. Here, I illustrate the ways in which the once colonial "quilombo" has been re-imagined into a new differentiated community (the comunidade remanescente de quilombo) rooted in ethnic and cultural difference for the purpose of distributing collective rights to black citizens. I contend that by focusing on the cultural difference of rural black communities, the quilombo clause ignores the racialized political and social discrimination that these communities have faced historically and continue to face. Although the quilombo clause was meant to address the history of discrimination and exclusion of black communities, it has actually led to social confusion and conflict surrounding the validity and authenticity of a differentiated identity for quilombo descendants.

In this article, I trace 're-membering' as a feminist practice in the context of gendered activism under military occupation in Kashmir. Drawing on its anticolonial feminist roots, I conceptualise re-membering as practices that do not simply put together what has been severed or dismembered by coloniality but they also, in doing so, propose different frames of looking. I think through re-membering by focusing on two intertwining sites of gendered and feminist activism in Kashmir: protests that re-member the disappeared and activist representation under military occupation. A feminist analysis of these activist strategies grounded in anticolonial thinking suggests that re-membering in the specificity of its emergence under conditions of heightened control does multivalent work: it contests dominant claims and the coloniality of the Indian state, thereby exposing the continuum of violence including its carceral, psychic, discursive forms that co-constitute and perpetuate the occupation of Kashmir. As such, it insists on accounting for historical and contextual specificities as necessary conditions for imagining an expressly anticolonial feminist politics that can open possibilities of epistemic and political transformation towards knowing Kashmir and people's struggles differently. It is here that the epistemic potential of re-membering lies: in overturning the terms of conversation as decolonial feminist scholarship has long insisted.

In this article, I trace 're-membering' as a feminist practice in the context of gendered activism under military occupation in Kashmir. Drawing on its anticolonial feminist roots, I conceptualise re-membering as practices that do not simply put together what has been severed or dismembered by coloniality but they also, in doing so, propose different frames of looking. I think through re-membering by focusing on two intertwining sites of gendered and feminist activism in Kashmir: protests that re-member the disappeared and activist representation under military occupation. A feminist analysis of these activist strategies grounded in anticolonial thinking suggests that re-membering in the specificity of its emergence under conditions of heightened control does multivalent work: it contests dominant claims and the coloniality of the Indian state, thereby exposing the continuum of violence including its carceral, psychic, discursive forms that co-constitute and perpetuate the occupation of Kashmir. As such, it insists on accounting for historical and contextual specificities as necessary conditions for imagining an expressly anticolonial feminist politics that can open possibilities of epistemic and political transformation towards knowing Kashmir and people's struggles differently. It is here that the epistemic potential of re-membering lies: in overturning the terms of conversation as decolonial feminist scholarship has long insisted.

In Canada, Métis cultural restoration continues to advance. Food practices and protocols, from the vantage point of Métis women who were traditionally responsible for domestic work, qualify as important subjects worthy of study because food and food work are integral components of family health and well-being. This qualitative grounded theory study explored Métis cultural food in Manitoba, Canada, with the intent to honour Métis women. Twenty-one in-depth interviews were conducted with Métis residents of urban Winnipeg and southern rural Manitoba. Results indicate that women were traditionally the keepers of culinary knowledge and practices in Métis families, and were highly resourceful in feeding large families and often other community members. Traditional foods were often land-based (wild and cultivated), and frequently enhanced by market foods. There is a strong sense of history, pride, identity, and desire for revitalization through cultural activities such as food; however; there is a gap in associated knowledge translation or "teachings". While some Métis families are rooted in their culture and practices related to Métis foods, others are not as connected to the foods and recipes they grew up with. There is, however, a desire to reestablish family recipes and food protocols, and increase access traditional foods which are perceived as beneficial for Métis people. Results of this thesis will provide Manitoba Métis people with opportunities for critical reflection on food and their identity as Métis; food origins; the role of food in our lives; and how ecological and political structures affect the production and consumption of food. In addition, this project will provide educators with an alternative discourse as it relates to food. Rather than focusing on nutrients and contemporary foods available in retail stores, culturally-based food education provides an important holistic approach to overall health and well-being that is self-affirming and strength-based. ; May 2018