Suchergebnisse

El acuerdo firmado el 27 de septiembre pasado en Nueva York compromete a Argentina en dos cuestiones: sus recursos petrolíferos y el reclamo territorial sobre las islas Malvinas. Se trata de clarificar las diferencias entre lo que se dijo que Argentina obtuvo, lo que suscedió y lo que efectivamente se perdio. Concretamente, el Acuerdo no detalla ladistribución de Regalías. A criterio del autor la fórmula del "paraguas de Soberanía" no es efectiva porque se está concediendo un recurso cuya magnitud y significado económico son considerables. El mayor objetivo británico es la seguridad política del área, lo que fué alcanzado por el Acuerdo En este marco la negociación por Malvinas se enmarca en una "resignación realista". ; The agreement wich was signed last 27 september in New York compromises Argentina in respect with two issues: petroleum resources and the territorial claim on the Malvinas islands. It is necessary to make the diferences clear between what Argentina was said to obtain, what actually happened and what was in a fact lost. Definitely, the Agreement does not explain royalty distribution in detail. Acording to the author, the sovereignty umbrella formula is not effective, for it entails granting a resourse of considerable dimension and economic significance. The major British aim is political security in the area, wich has been reached by the Agreement. Within this framework, the negotiation on Malvinas can be said to represent a "Realistic Resignation". ; Dossier: Malvinas ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

The powers that be are here seen to have been behind hand in undertaking the architectural and cityplanning renewal of Rio's old Docklands. These, at the heart of the city, are, oddly enough, as close to thebusiness district of Av. Branco as they are to the densely over-populated slum districts of Santo Cristo,Conceiçao and Saúde as well as to important transport centres ranging from the international liner landingstage to the interstate bus terminal. The situation has given rise to a cross purpose of demands, for whilethe affluent society calls for office, commercial and cultural space amenities their less fortunate neighboursdemand public services and parkland for all. Local government has called for tenders for the gradualtransformation of docks and warehouses. A new siting for a Guggenheim Museum designed by the Frencharchitect Jean Nouvelis foreseen while young professionals are here said to be working on the winning backfor use of the riverbank sides and roadsides close to the old city proper. New future options are being putforward which differ from those in the model for Puerto Madero in Buenos Aires in that they do not only appealto the limited class of those with great spending power. ; Tardíamente, respecto a otras ciudades de América Latina, las autoridades municipales de Ríode Janeiro ha decidido afrontar las transformaciones arquitectónicas y urbanísticas que requieren las obsoletasy abandonadas instalaciones portuarias de la ciudad. Situadas en pleno centro, en proximidad a lacity de los negocios (Avenida Río Branco), poseen la particularidad de la cercanía de barrios pobres densamentepoblados –Santo Cristo y los morros da Conceição e Saúde–, y de importantes nudos de transportecomo la terminal marítima internacional de pasajeros y la estación de ómnibus interestatal. De allí el surgimientode propuestas diversificadas que atiendan la necesidad de oficinas, centros comerciales y culturalespara la affluent society y al mismo tiempo afronten las carencias de servicios y espacos públicos de losestratos más necesitados de la población vecina. Es un complejo desafío que está asumiendo el actual gobiernomunicipal, al llamar a una serie de licitaciones para mejorar paulatinamente el ámbito urbano que envuelvedocks y almacenes. Por una parte está prevista la presencia de una nueva sede del museo Guggenheim,cuyo proyecto fue encargado al arquitecto francés Jean Nouvel; por otra, profesionales jóvenes están llevandoa cabo la recuperación de los bordes viales y funcionales del área portuaria, contigua a la ciudad tradicional.Se plantean opciones futuras originales, de contenidos diferentes al modelo de Puerto Madero enBuenos Aires, sólo orientado en función de un reducido estrato social de alto poder adquisitivo.

Este ensayo hace un análisis crítico de las principales reformas sociales implantadas en la década anterior. Se hace énfasis en el contraste entre las intenciones iniciales de los reformadores y los efectos finales de las reformas. En muchos casos, las restricciones políticas e institucionales impidieron que se cumplieran los objetivos propuestos. Y en algunos casos, los resultados fueron opuestos a los esperados. En todos los casos, las buenas intenciones se vieron frustradas por los malos incentivos. ; This critical essay examines the main social reforms undertaken in Colombia during the past decade. It emphasizes the gap between the initial goals of the reformers and the final effects of the reforms. In many cases, the purported goals were frustrated by political and institutional restrictions. In some cases, observed outcomes differed almost completely from expected results. And in all cases, good intentions were hampered by bad incentives.

The juncture of an economic crisis and the setting up of the western European Union is here seen to have encumbered regional policy initiatives tending towards the evening out of economic imbalances in this area. The paper sees the Community's regional policy as to have been of but little effect in recent years, but now finds that the consequences of the criteria adopted for a nominal bringing into line of european economic systems to have put all such regional policies in peril along with the accomplishing of those objectives that they were aimed at achieving. ; El binomio crisis económica y construcción de la UEM parecen poner puertas al campo de las acciones de la política regional para la corrección de los desequilibrios económicos. Si ya de por sí, la eficacia de la política regional comunitaria parece haberse resentido en los últimos arios. ahora los criterios de convergencia nominal de las economías europeas pondrán en serio aprieto el logro de los objetivos marcados por aquélla.

This article analyzes the antecedents of regional peace in South America from 1935 to 1995. First, it summarizes three hypotheses of political realism & three hypotheses of international liberalism regarding the causes of war & peace. The conclusions of the analyses follow, in the historical context of peace in South America since the end of the Chaco War between Bolivia & Paraguay in 1935 until democracy was consolidated, in 1995. While concluding that regional peace is only partly explained by one or another of the hypotheses discussed, the rest of the article presents & analyzes the "Military Peace" hypothesis as an exegetical complement to realism & liberalism. This new hypothesis is based on two fundamental factors: the independence of the military vis-a-vis civilian control & the army's political power on the national & regional scale. Finally, the article emphasizes the evolution of a supranational fraternity among military groups in several neighboring countries. It also points to a change in the mission of the military: from defending the state from external threats to contending for domestic political control. Given this sequence of cause & effect, the author concludes that the military factor is important in explaining not only regional peace in South America but the level of domestic political violence in several countries in the region. Adapted from the source document.

In writing about the renewal of Anglo-American capitalism, the Canadian Macpherson (1911-1987) adopted a democratic realism posture that contrasted with neoliberal realism. He embedded market principles in the nature of men & society in order to correct for two different concepts of man -- the liberal (maximizing gain) & the democratic. Macpherson advanced the thesis that the economic penetration of political theory did not support a better understanding of political phenomena, but only went hand in hand with the advance of the hegemonic order of capitalism. Macpherson questioned the empirical & pragmatic view of politics within the debate on democracy & eoncouraged interest in Anglo-American intellectual history. His career trajectory & major works are described. Adapted from the source document.

The category of Zone of Influence has been repeatedly used by Raymond Aron to explain the functioning of the international system during the tensions of the Cold War. For the aforementioned author, this mechanism, supported by the realistic approach to International Relations, contributed to maintaining certain stability in the system, and avoided a hot war between the superpowers. This paper critically examines these categories and tries to re-signify them for use in the regional scenario, especially to try to understand more clearly the evolution of relations between Argentina and Chile, that despite having reached moments of diplomatic and military tension, finally managed to overcome these difficulties and peace remained unchanged. ; La categoría de Zona de Influencia ha sido recurrentemente utilizada por Raymond Aron para explicar el funcionamiento del sistema internacional durante las tensiones de la Guerra Fría. Para el citado autor, este mecanismo, apoyado en el enfoque realista de las Relaciones Internacionales, contribuyó a mantener cierta estabilidad en el sistema, y evitó la guerra caliente entre las superpotencias. El presente trabajo examina críticamente estas categorías y trata de resignificarlas para su empleo en el escenario regional, especialmente para tratar de comprender con mayor claridad la evolución de las relaciones entre Argentina y Chile que, a pesar de haber alcanzado momentos de tensión diplomática y militar, finalmente lograron superar estas dificultades y la paz se mantuvo inalterable.