The article presents an analysis of the process of subordination of artistic thinking to ideological dictates, «inscribing» the literary practice of the subject of aesthetic creativity in the format of a single Soviet method.It is proved that at the stage of political structuring of literary and artistic life, strengthening of regulation and unification of creativity, writers in the format of socialist realism are forced to use new tactics and methods, to find ways of adapting. ; У статті подано аналіз процесу підпорядковування художнього мислення ідеологічному диктатові, «вписування» літературної практики суб'єкта естетичної творчості у формат єдиного радянського методу. Досліджено, що на етапі політичного структурування літературно-мистецького життя, посилення регламентації та уніфікації творчості, письменники у форматі соціалістичного реалізму змушені використовувати нові тактики й методи, відшукувати шляхи адаптації.
The article examines the reflection of the political realism paradigm in the ideology of the Ukrainian elite of the second half of the XVII – mid-XVIII century. It is claimed that at this time there were formed two directions, which pursued different goals: the church representatives advocated the restoration of the ancient Russian Orthodox Empire centered in Kyiv, and representatives of the Cossack-senior direction – the idea of the people as a subject of international relations to resist the most powerful Empires. Representatives of the first direction – Innozenz Giesel, Stefan Yavorsky, Feofan Prokopovich and others. Representatives of the second direction – Hryhoriy Grabianka, Pylyp Orlyk, Samiilo Velychko, Semen Divovych and others. Their works, though not fully, reflected the theory of political realism. Partially, it was combined with some idealistic ideas. The combination of realism and idealism in the theoretical ideas of the Ukrainian elite was explained by the circumstances of Ukrainian society in the second half of the seventeenth – early eighteenth century. The main positions reflected in the works of the Ukrainian elite were that the people and the monarch are the subjects of international relations, that international relations are significantly influenced by the actions of the individual (monarch, hetman, pope), which is also part of international relations there is also the religious factor that the decisive role in international relations is played by force, that peace («eternal peace») is achievable through the use of force. The methodology of this article is based on logical, comparative and historical research methods.
У статті аналізуються процеси формування й розвитку соцреалізму в художньо-педагогічній освіті в Україні на тлі соціальних, політичних, історичних подій. В означений період затвердилися нові функції в системі мистецької освіти: ідеологічні, наукові, методичні. В рамках навчального процесу сформувалися головні принципи і вимоги до викладання соцреалізму. Доводиться, що вища художньо-педагогічна освіта продовжувала розвиватися в рамках науково-дослідних кафедр та аспірантури, де й викристалізовувалася ідея соцреалізму. ; A retrospective study of theoretical principles and the experience of the artistic process becoming at the 30s show their important scientific and practical significance for the formation of art-pedagogical education in Ukraine of the twentieth century. Thus, reforms have been carried out in the defined years, dramatically changed the system of national higher art-pedagogical education of proletarian culture on academic perspective. Unification of teaching methods gradually led to the final departure of innovation at the beginning of the XX century. The politicization of the higher art school denied, in fact, previous historical experience of art-pedagogical researches in formal-technical frameworks and follow to only one permitted direction - the method of socialistic realism.
In the article state sovereignty are investigated in the theory of political of realism. The traditional understanding of state sovereignty, grounded in the theory of realism is outlined in particular and basic principles of this theory are analysed. Basic descriptions of Vestfallen in the system of international relations and consequences of the legal fixing of state sovereignty are pointed in international practice. ; В статье исследуется сущность государственного суверенитета в теории политического реализма. Анализируются основные принципы данной теории и выделяется обусловленное в ней традиционное понимание государственного суверенитета. В частности наводятся основные характеристики Вестфальской системы международных отношений, а также результаты правового закрепления государственного суверенитета в международной практике. ; У статті досліджується сутність державного суверенітету в теорії політичного реалізму. Аналізуються основні принципи даної теорії та окреслюється обґрунтоване в ній традиційне розуміння державного суверенітету. Зокрема, наводяться основні характеристики Вестфальської системи міжнародних відносин, а також наслідки правового закріплення державного суверенітету в міжнародній практиці.
The article is devoted to the research of socialist realism canon in Ukrainian literature. This canon is considered an artificially modeled power project in the sphere of culture and literature which aimed at creating a monostylistic system with clearly defined rules and recommended schemes, especially including thought-out characters understandable for the mass Soviet reader in order to monopolize power at all levels and to establish a new Soviet identity ("homo sovieticusˮ). The socialist realism canon is a complex and heterogeneous phenomenon. It imposed patterns for analysing and reflecting on reality in art and culture. From the 1930s, any texts following the authorities' regulations acquired a typical structure, predictable and recognizable features that turned literature into a mass-produced uniform "artistic" product. The task of such a governmental experiment was both to transform the world, and to change the way reality was perceived. The aesthetized falsification of existence, the clear domination of everything "ideological" and "totalitarian" in the field of culture, shaping the socialist realistic theory as a process of politicizing artistic consciousness - these are the blocks that determined the formation and functioning of the socialist realism canon of Ukrainian literature. The publication reflects a new vision of the problem of the literary representation of the Soviet Pantheon of Heroes in the socialist realism texts, in particular novels by Natan Rybak, Yurii Zbanatskyi, Oles Honchar, Andrii Malyshko, Natalia Zabila etc. Basically, the idea is that in order to build a bright future the Soviet system needed a new man, so all the forces were thrown into the "newanthropological typeˮ. The article deals with the modeling role of the hero-warrior in the socialist realism text. This image was established in the mass consciousness by means of propaganda and agitation. ; Przedstawiony artykuł proponuje analizę kanonu socrealistycznego w ukraińskich tekstach literackich, należących do autorów okresu sowieckiego, takich jak Natan Rybak, Jurij Zbanacki, Ołeś Honczar, Andrij Małyszko, Natalia Zabiła itd. Według licznych badań ów kanon jest traktowany jako ideologiczny projekt w zakresie kultury oraz literatury, którego zadaniem było formowanie odrąbnej tożsamości (homo sovieticus) oraz absolutyzacja władzy sowieckiej na różnych poziomach życia, zarówno państwowego, jak i prywatnego. W tekstach kultury kanon socrealizmu był powołany do stworzenia monostylistycznego systemu ze ścisłymi regułami, rozpisanymi schematami, specjalnie przewidzianymi typami bohaterów. Socrealistyczny kanon narzucał kulturze i sztuce schematy analizy i odzwierciedlenia nie prawdziwej, lecz wyimaginowanej rzeczywistości. Już od lat 30. XX wieku literatura reprezentuje liczne teksty odpowiadające regułom stylu ideologicznego. Wówczas literatura zostaje przekształcona w produkt kultury masowej, mający typową strukturę przewidywalności i uznawalności. Celem takiego eksperymentu nad literaturą piękną było zarównoprzekształcenie kultur narodów podbitych przez ZSRR, jak i zmiana sposobu odbioru rzeczywistości. Estetyzacja i fałszowanie sowieckiego trybu życia, powszechna dominacja pierwiastków ideologicznegooraz totalitarnego w zakresie kultury, formowanie socrealistycznej teorii jako procesu polityzacji świadomości artystycznej — to czynniki decydujące o rozwoju i funkcjonowaniu kanonu literatury ukraińskiej okresu sowieckiego. Autorka artykułu proponuje nowe ujęcie literackiej reprezentacji sowieckiego panteonu bohaterów w tekstach socrealistycznych. System sowiecki, budując utopię o nastaniu "świetlanej przyszłości", potrzebował "nowego człowieka", na kształtowanie którego były skierowane wszelkie starania. A zatem główną uwagę w danym badaniu skupiono na roli obrazu bohatera walki w socrealistycznym tekście. Obraz ów na skutek propagandy i agitacji zapisał się na długi czas w świadomości zbiorowej. ; The article is devoted to the research of socialist realism canon in Ukrainian literature. This canon is considered an artificially modeled power project in the sphere of culture and literature which aimed at creating a monostylistic system with clearly defined rules and recommended schemes, especially including thought-out characters understandable for the mass Soviet reader in order to monopolize power at all levels and to establish a new Soviet identity ("homo sovieticusˮ). The socialist realism canon is a complex and heterogeneous phenomenon. It imposed patterns for analysing and reflecting on reality in art and culture. From the 1930s, any texts following the authorities' regulations acquired a typical structure, predictable and recognizable features that turned literature into a mass-produced uniform "artistic" product. The task of such a governmental experiment was both to transform the world, and to change the way reality was perceived. The aesthetized falsification of existence, the clear domination of everything "ideological" and "totalitarian" in the field of culture, shaping the socialist realistic theory as a process of politicizing artistic consciousness - these are the blocks that determined the formation and functioning of the socialist realism canon of Ukrainian literature. The publication reflects a new vision of the problem of the literary representation of the Soviet Pantheon of Heroes in the socialist realism texts, in particular novels by Natan Rybak, Yurii Zbanatskyi, Oles Honchar, Andrii Malyshko, Natalia Zabila etc. Basically, the idea is that in order to build a bright future the Soviet system needed a new man, so all the forces were thrown into the "newanthropological typeˮ. The article deals with the modeling role of the hero-warrior in the socialist realism text. This image was established in the mass consciousness by means of propaganda and agitation.
Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze George Santayana's socio-anthropological ideas, which are presented in his works The Life of Reason: or The Phases of Human Progress and Dominations and Powers: Reflections on Liberty, Society and Government. Realization of the purpose will provide fresh insight into the problem of finding the value basis of modern human existence, ways of improving self-knowledge with the aim of further self-realization and development of the latent potential. Methodology. The methodological basis of the investigation is a pluralistic strategy that combines historical-philosophical analysis and the socio- anthropological approach. Originality. Santayana's ideas about the human and society may seem utopian in the context of the realities of modern life. On the other hand, his concept that the vital mission of humans is to live the way they were destined to remains topical. Acceptance of one's fate leads not to inaction and self-denial but to self-knowledge and action, to self-expression in science, poetry, religion and art, to realization of one's true mission, which is of a culture creator. His idea about the primary role of the USA in establishing a rational and fair world order is also topical. Conclusions. The way to self-realization of the human being is through the self-knowledge in the Socratic sense and the scientific knowledge of the world around. The objective of the scientific cognition does not imply that reason should guide life, but that it may help to achieve a certain harmony between the conflicting desires, passions and ambitions of the human being, and the vital «impulses» of different people or countries by means of a compromise. Reason may help to rationalize life, at least partially, so that it could become more stable and safe to ensure happiness and freedom, which are the greatest desires of every human being. ; Цель. Статья предполагает анализ социально-антропологических идей Джорджа Сантаяны, которые представлены в его работах «Жизнь разума или стадии человеческого прогресса» и «Господство и власть. Размышления о свободе, общество и правительстве». Это позволит по-новому понять проблему поиска современным человеком ценностных основ своего существования, путей познания себя с целью дальнейшей самореализации и развития скрытых потенциалов. Методология. Методологической основой исследования является плюралистическая стратегия, которая объединяет историко-философский анализ и социально-антропологический подход. Научная новизна. Идеи Сантаяны о человеке и обществе могут показаться утопическими в контексте реалий современной жизни, в то же время актуальной остается его мысль о том, что жизненная задача человека состоит в том, чтобы жить так, как позволяют предначертанные судьбой обстоятельства. Принятие своей судьбы ведет не к бездействию и самоотречению, а к самопознанию и действию, к самовыражению в науке, поэзии, религии и искусстве, к реализации своего истинного предназначения – создателя культуры. Также актуальна мысль Сантаяны о главной роли США в установлении рационального справедливого миропорядка. Выводы. Путь к самореализации человека лежит через самопознание в сократовском смысле слова и научное познание окружающего мира. Цель научного познания не в том, чтобы разум руководил жизнью, а в том, чтобы он помог достичь путем компромисса определенной гармонии между противоречивыми желаниями, страстями и амбициями человека и жизненными «импульсами» разных людей или стран. Разум может помочь упорядочить жизнь, организовать его хотя бы частично рационально, чтобы она стала более стабильной и безопасной, без чего невозможны счастье и свобода – главные желания каждого человека. ; Мета. Стаття передбачає аналіз соціально-антропологічних ідей Джорджа Сантаяни, які представлені у його працях «Життя розуму або стадії людського прогресу» та «Панування і влада. Роздуми про свободу, суспільство та уряд». Це дозволить по-новому осягнути проблему пошуку сучасною людиною ціннісних основ власного існування, шляхів пізнання себе з метою подальшого самоздійснення та розвитку прихованих потенціалів. Методологія. Методологічною основою дослідження є плюралістична стратегія, яка поєднує історико-філософський аналіз та соціально-антропологічний підхід. Наукова новизна. Ідеї Сантаяни про людину та суспільство можуть здатися утопічними в контексті реалій сучасного життя, в той же час актуальною залишається його думка про те, що життєве завдання людини полягає в тому, щоб жити так, як дозволяють призначені долею обставини. Прийняття своєї долі веде не до бездіяльності та самозречення, а до самопізнання та дії, до самовираження в науці, поезії, релігії та мистецтві, до реалізації свого справжнього призначення – творця культури. Також актуальною є думка Сантаяни про головну роль США у встановленні раціонального справедливого світопорядку. Висновки. Шлях до самореалізації людини лежить через самопізнання в сократівському сенсі слова та наукове пізнання навколишнього світу. Мета наукового пізнання не в тому, щоб розум керував життям, а в тому, щоб він допоміг досягти шляхом компромісу певної гармонії між суперечливими бажаннями, пристрастями та амбіціями людини та життєвими «імпульсами» різних людей або країн. Розум може допомогти упорядкувати життя, організувати його хоча б частково раціонально, щоб воно стало стабільнішим та безпечним, без чого неможливі щастя та свобода – головні бажання кожної людини.
This article first disputes the traditional view of Realist School of international relations as inherently positivistic, & second presents a reaction to the polemic taking its course in pages of this journal between Marek Louzek & Petr Drulak. In the first part, those aspects of the work of E. H. Carr & Hans Morgenthau that challenge their placing in the positivist camp are presented. In the second part, these remarks are used as a critique of Marek Louzek's schematic division of theories of international relations as between normativist idealism & positivist realism. Adapted from the source document.
This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. In line with the existing overviews, I focus on realism, neoliberalism & constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin & impact of institutions. Whereas, the basic realist perspective regards state interests & power to be the main source of the institution's origin; the basic perspective of neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests & collective action problems, which result from it. Many constructivists presume that so-called general institutions determine the origin of specific institutions. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests & power; institutions only regulate state behavior in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that: institutions significantly regulate state behavior since they help states resolve collective action problems. According to constructivists: institutions even constitute state identities & interests. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents a critical commentary on the debate between M. Louzek & P. Drulak. First, in direct contradiction to Louzek's position, the article argues that "objectivity" in social science is not based on a dogmatic belief in the ability of a particular theory to seize the "truth" of the world-out-there. Instead, the only way to approach the ideal of objectivity in our varied & complex world is to facilitate an open debate between different theoretical positions. The article then discusses the dichotomy between positivism & normativism introduced by Louzek. This dichotomy is artificial; realism is no less "normatively-oriented" than alternative paradigms in international relations theory. However, there is a relevant distinction between analytically-oriented & normatively-oriented theories that is overlooked by Louzek, who wrongly believes that all nonrealist theories of international relations belong to the group of normative theories. Adapted from the source document.
This study argues that due to a lack of attention paid to the national interest of actors in international politics the mainstream international conflict resolution studies fail in their prescriptive & descriptive aspects; particularly when conflicts are complicated by geopolitics. The case study of the long-standing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is used to highlight the strengths of geopolitical analysis, aimed at a proper understanding of a conflict's causes & the identities & interests of the actors directly & indirectly involved. This understanding is a prerequisite for coordinated international action directed towards the creation of the structural conditions for peace which would lead the prime actors of the conflict to choose peaceful resolution as a means to escape the hurting stalemate situation. In the case of Nagorno-Karabakh -- a conflict whose resolution has been impeded mainly by Azerbaijani & Armenian ethnic nationalism, coupled with fierce competition between the major powers in Central Eurasia -- a geopolitical analysis leads to the conclusion that the key to the resolution of the conflict lies in the hands of Russia. Such a resolution therefore presupposes a redefinition of Russia's interests, which would be based on the rational calculation that a deliberate destabilization of the South Caucasus will, in long term, hurt her interests. Adapted from the source document.
This essay starts from the argument that the first question preceding any meaningful scientific inquiry is one of a purpose & mission of scientific enterprise as such. Taking a historizing approach, it indicates that the nineteenth century positivist philosophy was built precisely around these questions, while it was precisely these questions again that were abandoned after the general acceptance of positivism in the USA during & after World War II. The essay then argues that IR realism, when aligned with the person & legacy of Hans J. Morgenthau, is a priori incompatible with both the original positivist philosophy & the positivism that eventually appeared in the USA with regard to questions of the "mission of science." Following this, the essay shows the consequences of the spread of positivism for IR. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents the idea that the social sciences are by nature normative & so simply cannot exist without normativeness at all. Their purpose is to understand & help solve social problems. The choices of issues, problems & questions are neither random nor objective, but are the results of normative consensus of their specific social-scientific discipline, as well as the greater social environment in which social scientists make them. This argument is applied to the polemics between Marek Louzek & Petr Drulak. I show that contrary to Louzek's assertions, the realism of E. H. Carr & Hans Morgenthau is strongly & explicitly normatively oriented. It is therefore unjustified to distinguish between normative idealists & scientific realists. The final section deals with the question what this conclusion means for the study of international relations. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents a comparison of three approaches to international justice. The first part of the article focuses on the realist paradigm, the second section analyzes various liberal approaches, and the third part presents the basic ideas of neomarxism. The largest part of the article is devoted to a critical discussion of existing liberal approaches -- liberal institutionalism (R. Keohane), political liberalism (J. Rawls), democratic liberalism (J. Habermas), globalist utilitarianism (P. Singer), globalist egalitarianism (Ch. Beitz, T. Pogge), and liberal impartialism (B. Barry). The article concludes by synthesizing the insights of the three broad normative positions into a realist, yet at the same time critical, liberalism. Adapted from the source document.
The foreign policy of the European Union is usually perceived as being significantly different from the common conception of modern foreign policy of sovereign nation states. In this article we will construct two models of foreign policy & confront them with current EU external relations. Firstly we shall look at the modern foreign policy model based on a neorealist approach. Secondly we shall examine its post-modern alternative that draws its inspiration from the post-structuralism of Jacques Derrida. The comparison is focused on three dimensions: the actor representing the foreign policy; his primary goal; & the key principles invoked in interactions with other actors. We conclude that the EU foreign policy cannot be sufficiently explained by neither of the two models. The large gap between the two models could probably be filled by the third, liberal model of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.
