The subject of this article is the theoretical and methodological foundations for P.A. Sorokin's sociological concept, set forth in his work "The System of Sociology" (1920). The article analyzes Sorokin's interpretation of the dilemma of nominalism / realism and some general features of the vision of this dilemma in the field of sociological thought, namely: the failure to distinguish the notion "sociality" as an abstract concept and as an idea of society in the Platonic sense, the conversion of said dilemma into the form of the "atomism / holism" antitheses, and an anthropomorphic interpretation of holism. It is shown that in his attempt to establish a realistic view of the nature of social phenomena, while avoiding the extremes of its "literal" interpretation, Sorokin develops the methodology of analytical and material realism. From the author's point of view, the concept of the conductor proposed by Sorokin corresponds to the modern interest in nonverbal semiotics, while the instrumental interpretation of a person as a participant in social interactions corresponds to later developments, which maintain an "out-of-subject" line in sociological analysis.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States of America has pursued an offensive foreign policy. In the realities of the 2010s and 2020s, marked by mounting resistance to American global dominance, primarily from Russia and China, there are prerequisites for the adjustment of the U.S. foreign policy strategy. The aim of the article is to identify the underlying causes of offensiveness in U.S. foreign policy of the post–bipolar period based on theoretical constructs of offensive realism and liberalism. Research has shown that offensive realism and offensive liberalism can help understand the offensive nature of U.S. foreign policy after 1991 in their own way and make appropriate projections for the future. Based on the tenets of offensive realism, it can be assumed that the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism have created an enabling environment for maximizing the power of the United States, which Washington could not but leverage. Witnessing the dwindling U.S. power potential, as well as the strengthening of China and Russia in the 2010s – 2020s, Washington has not stopped acting in the logic of offensive realism, but under the Trump and Biden administrations it has definitely began to move towards defensive realism. As the rivals to the US continue to strengthen their capacities, this trend can only intensify. Following the tenets of offensive liberalism, it is possible to assume that after the Cold War, the power of the United States has turned out to be so great in comparison with other great and major powers that Washington has begun to offensively build an American liberal hegemony, letting power rivalry falls by the wayside. However, due to the weakening of the U.S. power potential, as well as the simultaneous rise of China and Russia, it has been forced to begin a transition to a strategy based on offensive and defensive realism under the Trump and Biden administrations. If its rivals continue to rise, the U.S. may turn away from offense altogether.
This article is devoted to the critique of the 'democratic peace' theory by various schools of IR theory, including Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism. ; В данной статье рассматривается критика теории «демократического мира» представителями различных школ теории международных отношений – реализма, либерализма и конструктивизма.
по мнению автора ; исторически имперская и империалистическая политика вела к войнам. Первая и Вторая мировые войны привели к исчезновению классических империй – Австро-Венгерской ; Британской ; Французской ; Германской ; Оттоманской ; Японской. Возникший после Второй мировой войны биполярный мир в силу логики противостояния двух мировых систем во многом продолжал развиваться в международных отношениях по логике империй ; по логике строгого антагонизма. Распад мировой системы социализма привел к возникновению однополярного мира с главенствующей ролью одной сверхдержавы ; которая в силу логики имперской политики проводила политику насильственной демократизации. Но такое состояние не могло продолжаться долго ; ибо ни ресурсов ; ни возможностей у этого гегемона не хватало ; чтобы обеспечить мирное развитие человечества. Все больше государств требовало проведения политики невмешательства во внутренние дела других государств ; мирного сосуществования и сотрудничества в рамках кооперативной стратегии. Этот новый мировой порядок большинство называет многополярным миром. Процесс перехода от однополярного к многополярному миру потребует больших усилий и разрешения международных и межгосударственных вопросов на основе принципов равной безопасности ; компромиссов ; взаимовыгодного сотрудничества. ; according to the author Imperial and imperialist policy led to war. The first and Second world wars led to the disappearance of the classical empires – Austro-Hungarian ; British ; French ; German ; Ottoman ; Japanese. The post-Second world war bipolar world because of the logic of confrontation between two world systems largely continued to develop in international relations the logic of empires ; the logic of the strict antagonism. The collapse of world socialist system led to the emergence of a unilateral world and the dominant role of one superpower ; which is by the logic of Imperial policy pursued a policy of forced democratization. But such a condition could not last long ; for neither the resources nor the capacity of this hegemony was not enough to ensure the peaceful development of mankind. More and more countries demanded a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States ; peaceful coexistence and cooperation within the framework of the cooperative strategy. Most people call it the multi-polar world. The transition from a unilateral to a multipolar world will require greater effort and resolution of international and inter-state matters on the basis of principles of equal security ; compromises ; and mutually beneficial cooperation.
The main aim of the article is to reveal the factors that influenced the formation of N. Machiavelli's concept. The methodology is based on elements of structural and functional analysis. Using the ideas of E. Durkheim, A. Radcliffe-Brown, Merton, the author considered the Machiavellian system of views as an adaptive system in which all parts serve to satisfy the system's needs as a whole, ensuring its existence in the external environment of conceptual fields. As a result, it was identified that the foundations of N. Machiavelli's theoretical base were reflected in the dominance of the historical method and reliance on ancient authors. Machiavelli used this historical method uncritically. His examples are abstracted from the historical context and applied too crudely to his contemporaries. The sovereign was the first political pamphlet to reject transcendentalism as it was before Kant. This is understood as a refusal to have any single value reference. Another theoretical method was the historical method. For political reasons, N. Machiavelli could not point directly to his contemporaries. Therefore, with the help of ancient authors, he sought out convenient metaphorical stories to explain his position. The basis of Machiavelli's methodology was the postulate that power precedes law, custom and justice. Machiavelli argued that the malice of human nature, the recklessness of the population, and the tendency of societies to degenerate can to some extent be controlled or regulated by laws that, when established, cause initiative and tolerance in people. However, he believed that people do not do good things unnecessarily. Thus, one can see the attitude towards laws as a superstructure of customs. At the same time, there can be no good laws where there is no well-armed executive branch. Machiavelli believed that the security of all states is built on the basis of good military discipline, which, in turn, is based on good laws. At the same time, military security is primary, and without it, there can be nothing ...
This article first disputes the traditional view of Realist School of international relations as inherently positivistic, & second presents a reaction to the polemic taking its course in pages of this journal between Marek Louzek & Petr Drulak. In the first part, those aspects of the work of E. H. Carr & Hans Morgenthau that challenge their placing in the positivist camp are presented. In the second part, these remarks are used as a critique of Marek Louzek's schematic division of theories of international relations as between normativist idealism & positivist realism. Adapted from the source document.
This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. In line with the existing overviews, I focus on realism, neoliberalism & constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin & impact of institutions. Whereas, the basic realist perspective regards state interests & power to be the main source of the institution's origin; the basic perspective of neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests & collective action problems, which result from it. Many constructivists presume that so-called general institutions determine the origin of specific institutions. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests & power; institutions only regulate state behavior in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that: institutions significantly regulate state behavior since they help states resolve collective action problems. According to constructivists: institutions even constitute state identities & interests. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents a critical commentary on the debate between M. Louzek & P. Drulak. First, in direct contradiction to Louzek's position, the article argues that "objectivity" in social science is not based on a dogmatic belief in the ability of a particular theory to seize the "truth" of the world-out-there. Instead, the only way to approach the ideal of objectivity in our varied & complex world is to facilitate an open debate between different theoretical positions. The article then discusses the dichotomy between positivism & normativism introduced by Louzek. This dichotomy is artificial; realism is no less "normatively-oriented" than alternative paradigms in international relations theory. However, there is a relevant distinction between analytically-oriented & normatively-oriented theories that is overlooked by Louzek, who wrongly believes that all nonrealist theories of international relations belong to the group of normative theories. Adapted from the source document.
This study argues that due to a lack of attention paid to the national interest of actors in international politics the mainstream international conflict resolution studies fail in their prescriptive & descriptive aspects; particularly when conflicts are complicated by geopolitics. The case study of the long-standing conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is used to highlight the strengths of geopolitical analysis, aimed at a proper understanding of a conflict's causes & the identities & interests of the actors directly & indirectly involved. This understanding is a prerequisite for coordinated international action directed towards the creation of the structural conditions for peace which would lead the prime actors of the conflict to choose peaceful resolution as a means to escape the hurting stalemate situation. In the case of Nagorno-Karabakh -- a conflict whose resolution has been impeded mainly by Azerbaijani & Armenian ethnic nationalism, coupled with fierce competition between the major powers in Central Eurasia -- a geopolitical analysis leads to the conclusion that the key to the resolution of the conflict lies in the hands of Russia. Such a resolution therefore presupposes a redefinition of Russia's interests, which would be based on the rational calculation that a deliberate destabilization of the South Caucasus will, in long term, hurt her interests. Adapted from the source document.
Sixteenth-century French kings paid much attention to decorating cities and especially Paris. Henry II (1546–1559) did the most for the capital, but large-scale urban projects that reflect the image of an ideal city have not survived since his time. The image of an ideal city in the era of Henry II can be restored to some extent by analysing Dicaearchiae Henrici Regis Christianissimi Progymnasmata (1556), a work of the avocat de Parlement de Paris Raoul Spifamе.It was a collection of rhetorical exercises in the field of jurisprudence written in the form of royal arrêts and designed to reform all matters in the kingdom. This book has a controversial reputation. Some mistakenly believed that these were authentic laws of the king. Others considered it a sharp satire and even delirium of a madman. Still others were astonished at Spifame's clairvoyance, noting that many of his imaginary projects were subsequently implemented. A considerable part of the arrêts is devoted to the problems of the city, i.e. its safety, cleanliness, maintaining the piety of citizens, helping the poor, orphans, and the diseased, reorganising the urban space. Spifamе planned a large-scale construction of a new large bridge across the Seine, a consolidation of deserted islands into one and its development, the creation of new ports, markets, and embankments. A significant part of these projects was implemented in the future. This "clairvoyance" of the author was due to his ties with secrétaires d'État preparing for large-scale transformations of the mid-sixteenth century which were never realised due to the unexpected death of the king and the outbreak of the Religious Wars. ; Французские короли XVI в. много внимания уделяли украшению городов и особенно Парижа. Больше всего для столицы сделал Генрих II (1546–1559), но от его времени не сохранилось масштабных урбанистических проектов, рисующих образ идеального города. Представления об идеальном городе в эпоху Генриха II можно в определенной мере восполнить за счет анализа сочинения адвоката Парижского парламента Рауля Спифама «Dicaearchiae Henrici Regis Christianissimi Progymnasmata» (1556). По сути, это был сборник риторических упражнений в области юриспруденции, написанный в форме королевских постановлений, призванных реформировать все дела в королевстве. У этой книги неоднозначная репутация. Одни принимали ее постановления за аутентичные законы короля. Другие считали ее острой сатирой и даже бредом сумасшедшего. Третьи удивлялись дару пророчества Спифама, отмечая, что многие из его фантастических проектов были впоследствии реализованы. Немалая часть постановлений посвящена проблемам города — его безопасности, чистоте, поддержанию благочестия горожан, помощи бедным, сиротам и больным, реорганизации городского пространства. Спифам планировал масштабное строительство нового моста через Сену, застройку пустующих островов, создание новых портов, рынков и набережных. Значительная часть этих проектов была реализована в будущем. Причина такого «ясновидения» автора крылась в его связях с государственными секретарями, готовившими масштабные преобразования середины XVI в., не реализованные из-за неожиданной гибели короля и начавшихся Религиозных войн.
Поступила в редакцию 10.06.2019. Принята к печати 14.10.2019. ; Submitted on 10 June, 2019. Accepted on 14 October, 2019. ; Французские короли XVI в. много внимания уделяли украшению городов и особенно Парижа. Больше всего для столицы сделал Генрих II (1546–1559), но от его времени не сохранилось масштабных урбанистических проектов, рисующих образ идеального города. Представления об идеальном городе в эпоху Генриха II можно в определенной мере восполнить за счет анализа сочинения адвоката Парижского парламента Рауля Спифама «Dicaearchiae Henrici Regis Christianissimi Progymnasmata» (1556). По сути, это был сборник риторических упражнений в области юриспруденции, написанный в форме королевских постановлений, призванных реформировать все дела в королевстве. У этой книги неоднозначная репутация. Одни принимали ее постановления за аутентичные законы короля. Другие считали ее острой сатирой и даже бредом сумасшедшего. Третьи удивлялись дару пророчества Спифама, отмечая, что многие из его фантастических проектов были впоследствии реализованы. Немалая часть постановлений посвящена проблемам города — его безопасности, чистоте, поддержанию благочестия горожан, помощи бедным, сиротам и больным, реорганизации городского пространства. Спифам планировал масштабное строительство нового моста через Сену, застройку пустующих островов, создание новых портов, рынков и набережных. Значительная часть этих проектов была реализована в будущем. Причина такого «ясновидения» автора крылась в его связях с государственными секретарями, готовившими масштабные преобразования середины XVI в., не реализованные из-за неожиданной гибели короля и начавшихся Религиозных войн. ; Sixteenth-century French kings paid much attention to decorating cities and especially Paris. Henry II (1546–1559) did the most for the capital, but large-scale urban projects that reflect the image of an ideal city have not survived since his time. The image of an ideal city in the era of Henry II can be restored to some extent by analysing Dicaearchiae Henrici Regis Christianissimi Progymnasmata (1556), a work of the avocat de Parlement de Paris Raoul Spifamе. It was a collection of rhetorical exercises in the field of jurisprudence written in the form of royal arrêts and designed to reform all matters in the kingdom. This book has a controversial reputation. Some mistakenly believed that these were authentic laws of the king. Others considered it a sharp satire and even delirium of a madman. Still others were astonished at Spifame's clairvoyance, noting that many of his imaginary projects were subsequently implemented. A considerable part of the arrêts is devoted to the problems of the city, i.e. its safety, cleanliness, maintaining the piety of citizens, helping the poor, orphans, and the diseased, reorganising the urban space. Spifamе planned a large-scale construction of a new large bridge across the Seine, a consolidation of deserted islands into one and its development, the creation of new ports, markets, and embankments. A significant part of these projects was implemented in the future. This "clairvoyance" of the author was due to his ties with secrétaires d'État preparing for large-scale transformations of the mid-sixteenth century which were never realised due to the unexpected death of the king and the outbreak of the Religious Wars. ; Статья подготовлена при финансовой поддержке Российского научного фонда в рамках научного проекта № 16-18-10393-П «Самоорганизующиеся структуры средневекового города: генезис, классификация, механизмы функционирования». ; The research is sponsored by the Russian Science Foundation (Project 16-18-10393 "Self-Organising Structures of Medieval Towns: Genesis, Classification, and Mechanisms of Functioning").
This essay starts from the argument that the first question preceding any meaningful scientific inquiry is one of a purpose & mission of scientific enterprise as such. Taking a historizing approach, it indicates that the nineteenth century positivist philosophy was built precisely around these questions, while it was precisely these questions again that were abandoned after the general acceptance of positivism in the USA during & after World War II. The essay then argues that IR realism, when aligned with the person & legacy of Hans J. Morgenthau, is a priori incompatible with both the original positivist philosophy & the positivism that eventually appeared in the USA with regard to questions of the "mission of science." Following this, the essay shows the consequences of the spread of positivism for IR. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents the idea that the social sciences are by nature normative & so simply cannot exist without normativeness at all. Their purpose is to understand & help solve social problems. The choices of issues, problems & questions are neither random nor objective, but are the results of normative consensus of their specific social-scientific discipline, as well as the greater social environment in which social scientists make them. This argument is applied to the polemics between Marek Louzek & Petr Drulak. I show that contrary to Louzek's assertions, the realism of E. H. Carr & Hans Morgenthau is strongly & explicitly normatively oriented. It is therefore unjustified to distinguish between normative idealists & scientific realists. The final section deals with the question what this conclusion means for the study of international relations. Adapted from the source document.
Analysis of literature on the artistic heritage of A.F. Pisemsky shows that some of the most important features of his world view and writing style were outlined by contemporary criticism. The first such attempts were made in the articles of A.V. Druzhinin about the novel "A Thousand Souls" and E.N. Edelson about the novel "Disturbed Sea". A.V. Druzhinin had seen the origins of A.F. Pisemsky in the conditions of Russian provincial life; E.N. Edelson assessed the writer's work in fact as a manifestation of the Russian cultural principle, free from the destructive national features of European influences. Already at this time critics determined the main essential features of the artistic manner of the writer. Numerous literary criticisms are the basis of historical and literary studies devoted to the work of A.F. Pisemsky. Evaluation of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky are contradictory. But the understanding of its artistic originality was established fairly quickly and almost did not change in course of the years, and it was supplemented and developed by critics and literary scholars of the most diverse political views and aesthetic preferences. The writer-realist A.F. Pisemsky recreated the physiology of Russian society, Russian way of life, Russian everyday life. This thesis is characteristic of both literary criticism, which belongs to critics of different aesthetic views and political sympathies, and historians of literature at the turn of the 19 th and 20 th centuries. In fact, in these assessments of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky the matter of question refers to the naturalistic desire to accurately, adequately and in detail reproduce reality. Naturalism showed a keen interest in simple, everyday phenomena of life, namely this feature of the writer's work was marked by literary criticism. It was unanimously noted that A.F. Pisemsky sought to detail the everyday existence of man in keeping with the realistic aesthetic course. Sometimes in the criticism it was also about the "extreme realism" of the ...
