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The Snowden leaks provided unprecedented insights into the workings of state-corporate surveillance programs based on the interception and collection of online activity. They illustrated the extent of "bulk" data collection and the general and widespread monitoring of everyday communication platforms used by ordinary citizens. Yet public response in the United Kingdom and elsewhere has been considerably muted, and there has been little evidence of public outcry, with often conflicting and inconsistent opinions on the subject. Based on research carried out for the project Digital Citizenship and Surveillance Society, this article explores the nuances of public attitudes toward surveillance, including such attitudes among politically active citizens, through focus groups and interviews. We argue that the lack of transparency, knowledge, and control over what happens to personal data online has led to feelings of widespread resignation, not consent, to the status quo that speaks to a condition we identify as "surveillance realism." We understand this to entail a simultaneous unease among citizens with data collection alongside the active normalization of surveillance that limits the possibilities of enacting modes of citizenship and of imagining alternatives.

Those studying the work of Hans J. Morgenthau, widely considered the "founding father" of the Realist School of International Relations, have long been baffled by his views on world government and the attainment of a world state—views that, it would appear, are strikingly incompatible with the author's realism. In a 1965 article in World Politics, James P. Speer II decided that it could only be "theoretical confusion" that explained why Morgenthau could on the one hand advocate a world state as ultimately necessary in his highly successful textbook, Politics Among Nations, while writing elsewhere that world government could not resolve the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States by peaceful means. According to Speer,
Morgenthau posits at the international level a super-Hobbesian predicament, in which the actors on the world scene are motivated by the lust for power, yet he proposes a gradualist Lockean solution whereby the international system will move, through a resurrected diplomacy, out of a precarious equilibrium of balance-of-power anarchy by a "revaluation of all values" into the "moral and political" bonds of world community, a process whose capstone will be the formal-legal institutions of world government.
This oscillation between Hobbes and Locke, Speer asserted, must be the result of Morgenthau's "commitment to the organismic mystique that comes out of German Romantic Nationalism," although he admitted in a footnote that his reflections on the intellectual sources of Morgenthau's theories were "mere speculation."

Once again, the world is polarizing along ideological lines and this time India can neither stand aside nor stand alone. In the face of China's mounting provocations and patent military superiority, Narendra Modi knows that India has no choice but to seek security through Sino‐resistant channels like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or Quad), in league with America, Japan, and Australia. It is no accident that India's most dependable allies are liberal democracies. This puts Modi in a stupendous ideological bind. The Davos globalism he has courted in the past was so economistic that his domestic repression was all but ignored. Now, however, he is playing in a liberal international league where his style of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) autocracy will not be condoned. His fate as well as India's hinges on how he navigates a post‐globalist geopolitics that is presently defined by the moral realism of the Biden Doctrine.

Neoclassical Realism popularised by including context into a structuralised worldview. However, far from a novelty, Global South scholars have been promoting similar Realist course corrections, reducing parsimony, and increasing explanation. This article compares Ayoob's Subaltern Realism, Escudé's Peripheral Realism, and Yan's Moral Realism, showcasing how originality is displayed via hybridisation, mimicry, and denationalisation of ideas. There are two complementary goals: first, stress similarities and differences between these strands and Neoclassical Realism and, second, challenge the ongoing project of subsuming Realism to the Global International Relations agenda through Neoclassical Realism, as it has yet failed to incorporate these Global South ideas. I argue that acknowledging that these theories can promote core–periphery dialogue and instigate progress within the canon is essential for any Global North scholar interested in a 'globalized Realism'. Finally, socioeconomic asymmetries and interdisciplinarity are central to building a Global International Relations Realism as well as recognising the persistent inequalities within International Relations knowledge production.

Thomas Hobbes is regarded as a major intellectual precursor of realist theory. Such veneration has brought about ample reactions from various scholars who aver that the use of Hobbes'vision of anarchy as an analogy for building greater theories of international relations is problematic at best. Yet, while such critiques of the realist analogy have been abundant, they have devoted scant attention to important passages in the Leviathan (that is, the tale of the fool in Chapter 15) that would produce greater clarity about Hobbes' logic regarding the state of nature. Indeed, a careful textual analysis of the tale of the fool demonstrates that as an analogy for a state of war (that is, as an environment devoid of cooperation) Hobbes' vision of anarchy is even more problematic than what previous critiques suggest. The tale strongly re-inforces critical scholarship that embraces ample opportunities for cooperation (covenants) in a Hobbesian state of nature (that is, without a Leviathan to impose order). The precise Hobbesian logic evident in this tale, in fact, reflects both strong neoliberal and constructivist elements in what many would consider a least-likely place: in Hobbes' vision of anarchy. So while Hobbes has been hailed as the first early modern realist, he could also be cited as the first early modern neoliberal and constructivist. In this respect, Hobbes' own synthesis of elements of realism, constructivism and neoliberalism holds much promise for inspiring a new and more sophisticated vision of international relations: Cosmopolitik.

Since the relational turn, scholars have combated methodological universalism, nationalism, and individualism in researching social-spatial transformations. Yet, when leaving the gaps between the traveling and local epistemic assumptions unattended, engaging relational spatial theories in empirical research may still reproduce established theoretical claims. Following the sociology of knowledge tradition and taking Critical Realism as a meta-theoretical framework, the author takes relational spatial theories as traveling conceptual knowledge and develops meaningful and context-sensitive ways of engaging them in studying the complex urban phenomenon in China. She offers conceptual elucidations and methodological roadmaps, which leap productively from employing plural causal hypotheses to generating effect-based explanations for locally observable events. They are exemplified by manifold interrogations of Beijing's Artworld as a conjuncture of particular events.

The future European Commission under President Ursula von der Leyen claims to be a geopolitical Commission. Sceptics note that this ambition will only further broad­en the well-known gap between the capabilities of the EU and the expectations about its ability to shape foreign policy. Others welcome the fact that the "geopolitical commission" wants to emerge from the shadow of technocratic politics. However, the postponement by EU member states in starting accession negotiations with North Macedonia in October 2019 is being viewed from this perspective as strategic blind­ness. The EU should not jeopardise its strategic opportunities in the neighbourhood, which will soon include the United Kingdom, by sticking to its established enlarge­ment and neighbourhood policy. Instead, it should create new structures and invest more, both in political and material terms. One could imagine a European Political and Economic Area (EPEA) consisting of the EU and Eastern European countries of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). (author's abstract)

Literary works as a reflection of society in their era. As a reflection of society, literary works raise the culture of society by the time or before the literary work was written. Leila S. Chudori's novel entitled Pulang can be said to be a historical work by bringing up major historical events namely the bloody tragedy of 30 September 1965, the French revolution in 1968 and also the events of 1998 in Indonesia. According to Lukacs, historical novels and social novels are the same because a social event in the past will be history for the present generation. Based on this, this study uses Georg Lukacs's theory of socialism realism. The theory states that the pure fact of nature arises when a real world phenomenon is placed (in the mind or in reality) into an environment where its laws can be monitored without the need for internal intervention. In doing so, we will be arrived at an understanding of the external forms of phenomena and think of them as forms, in which the deepest core can certainly emerge. With simple language the knowledge of the totality of facts from events must be understood the real existence and the deepest core of the facts. In Pulang's novel by Leila S. Chudori, there is a social reality that has never been learned at school. Facts such as the existence of political exiles that are adrift in Europe, torture and slaughter of victims of wrongful arrests, and so on. That explains how the history we learn today is only history made by irresponsible people. Therefore, the social reality in the novel Le Pulang S. Chudori's Pulang is a forgotten Indonesian community life.