Suchergebnisse

In this article, we examine the redistributive nature of public educational spending through a cross-country analysis from 1960 to 1996. Existing studies on the determinants of the extent of public funding of education tend to give for granted its progressive nature. We question this view and, assuming that the redistributive nature of public education is conditional on how expenditure is allocated between the different levels of schooling, we provide evidence on the role of the ideological nature of the party in government and of the economic position of the median voter on the configuration of this policy. ; En este trabajo se discute y analiza la dimensión redistributiva del gasto público en educación mediante un examen comparado de una amplia muestra de países desarrollados entre 1960 y 1996. Los estudios existentes que examinan los determinantes de la financiación pública de la educación suelen suponer que ésta tiene un carácter progresivo. En nuestro análisis se cuestiona esta visión y, partiendo del supuesto de que es la composición del gasto entre los distintos niveles de enseñanza, y no el nivel de gasto total, lo que realmente tiene consecuencias distributivas, se aporta evidencia sobre el peso de la ideología del partido en el gobierno y la posición económica del votante mediano en la configuración de esta política.

Analyzes the guiding principles of the tax system, particularly equity, as ethical value, gathering the main doctrinal contributions and legislative reflection in Spain. To reflect the crisis of the system analyzes the tax collection and budget execution from 2005 to 2012, considering the impact of different levels of state territorial structure and some peculiarities of the distribution of the tax burden. Finally assesses the political management during pre-and post-crisis years, inquiring if it has primarily served an appropriate sharing of the fiscal effort, demanding greater contribution to tax payers with greater economic capacity. ; Analiza los principios inspiradores del sistema tributario, particularmente la equidad, como valor ético, recogiendo las principales aportaciones doctrinales y su reflejo legislativo en España. Para reflejar la crisis del sistema analiza la recaudación fiscal y la ejecución presupuestaria de 2005 a 2012; considerando la incidencia de los distintos niveles de la estructura territorial estatal y algunas peculiaridades del reparto de la carga tributaria. Finalmente, valora la gestión política durante los años previos y posterior esa la crisis, indagando si ha atendido prioritariamente a un adecuado reparto del esfuerzo fiscal; exigiendo mayor aportación a los contribuyentes con mayor capacidad económica.

In an economy with altruism, households provide inter-family transfers that redistribute income by a market mechanism. Private transfers modify the distribution of tax burdens and the ability of the government to collect tax revenue which in turn affects the welfare calculus of a government that seeks to design optimal tax policy. In this context it is interesting to ask: Which is the optimal level of taxation for an economy with altruism? The main contribution of this article is the characterization of an optimal linear income tax for an economy with altruism. Moreover, we also contribute by identifying a set of results that seek to advice the design of public policy ; En una economía con fines altruistas existen transferencias privadas que redistribuyen el ingreso a través de un mecanismo de mercado. Las transferencias privadas modifican la distribución de la carga fiscal y la habilidad del gobierno de recaudar ingreso público a través de impuestos, por lo que modifican el cálculo del bienestar asociado con la política impositiva óptima de un gobierno. En este contexto es interesante preguntar: ¿Cuál es el nivel óptimo de impuestos para economías con altruismo? La principal contribución de este artículo es la caracterización del impuesto lineal óptimo al ingreso para una economía con altruismo. Además, identificamos una serie de resultados que buscan orientar el diseño de política pública. Optimal linear taxation for economies with altruism Abstract In an economy with altruism, households provide inter-family transfers that redistribute income by a market mechanism. Private transfers modify the distribution of tax burdens and the ability of the government to collect tax revenue which in turn affects the welfare calculus of a government that seeks to design optimal tax policy. In this context it is interesting to ask: Which is the optimal level of taxation for an economy with altruism? The main contribution of this article is the characterization of an optimal linear income tax for an economy with altruism. Moreover, we also contribute by identifying a set of results that seek to advice the design of public policy. Keywords: redistribution, optimal taxation, income taxes.

Political power is being reallocated across territorial boundaries. This paper analyzes how such process interacts with the politics of redistribution & inequality. In this paper it is argued that whatever the impact of decentralization on the distribution of income may be, it depends to a large extent on the internal structures of inequality within regions & their combination. This being the case, there are reasons to believe that, in the context of multilevel governance, contentions about the allocation of power across levels of governments become to a large extent contentions about who gets what. Such contentions make decentralization endogenous to the territorial structure of inequality by virtue of a political process linking the latter to the preferences about the territorial design of redistribution. The first part of the paper formalizes this argument. The second one tests it against a data set of 15 OECD countries over the period 1980-1997. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

A regional integration, to be politically acceptable must lead to "strictly superior situation" (in which the average income of all members increase) in the paretian sense. To reach that objective the "increment effect" (increment of the aggregate income) that every integration brings with it, must compensate amply the "redistribution effect" (equalization price factors). In the case of a "net redistributive effect" (i.e. in case the increment effect be not sufficient to compensate the redistribution effect, which is a condition for attaining a "strictly superior situation" which is the objective) a situation compatible, with a regional liberalization would be the creation of a compensation fund. Such a fund would be formed with the increments of average income of the participants, attributable to the integration and destined: 1) to compensate the reductions of average income which some of the participants would experience; 2) realization of investments of common benefit and high priority for purposes of regional development ; Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas

The Article 31.1 of the Spanish Constitution includes the principle of progressivity as a characteristic of the tax system. This paper studies the content of the principle and its relation to other constitutional principles, as well as the limited control function developed by the case-law of the Constitutional Court. It also analyses the historical evolution of the application of this principle, evidencing the links between Spanish legislation and the European/Western context. Finally, it proposes potential future evolution trends towards a strengthening of the principle of progressivity. ; El artículo 31.1 de la Constitución española recoge el principio de progresividad como característica del sistema tributario. Este trabajo estudia el contenido del principio y su interacción con otros principios constitucionales, así como la limitada función de control desarrollada por la jurisprudencia constitucional. Analiza también la evolución histórica de la aplicación del principio, mostrando las conexiones entre la normativa española y el contexto europeo/occidental. Finaliza planteando posibles vías de evolución futura del sistema para un fortalecimiento del principio de progresividad.

En este documento se analiza la importancia de la renta petrolera en la configuración del Estado venezolano, enfatizando en el periodo 1999 – 2012, periodo en que detentó el gobierno Hugo Chávez Frías. Para esto se realiza una reconstrucción histórica de la relación entre renta petrolera y Estado en el transcurso del siglo XX, resaltando la enorme significación ostentada por este recurso en las disputas del siglo XX. Siendo reluciente el constante antagonismo entre los intereses de las compañías petroleras transnacionales y el interese nacional del Estado venezolano por el disfrute de la renta petrolera. En el trabajo se resalta que el periodo de gobierno de Hugo Chávez desde 1998 hasta el año 2012, estuvo marcado por la contraposición entre el interés general del Estado nacional venezolano y las compañías petroleras, la defensa de la soberanía energética reivindicada por el gobierno de Chávez implicó diferentes batallas, que a la postre se tradujeron en luchas sociales intensas. En este sentido, la victoria lograda por el gobierno Chávez le permitió disponer de los beneficios de la renta petrolera para impulsar dos importantes y estratégicas líneas programáticas de gobierno: la integración latinoamericana y el Sistema Nacional de Misiones, iniciativas de las cuales también da cuenta el presente trabajo. (texto tomado de la fuente) ; In this document it is analyzed the importance of oil rent at Venezuelan's State configuration emphasized during 1999 - 2012 period, in which Hugo Chavez Frias' government was holding. For this, a historical reconstruction was performed between oil rent and state through XXI century occupied for this resource during the XX century disputes. Being highlighted the constant antagonism amidst the interests from transnational oil companies and the national interest from Venezuelan state for the enjoyment from oil rent. The work highlights that Hugo Chavez' government (1998 - 2012) was marked by the counter position between the general interest from the Venezuelan national state and oil ...

A partir de la crisis a comienzos del nuevo siglo se ha ampliado significativamente la protección social para los estratos de bajos ingresos en Argentina. El presente artículo analiza las dinámicas políticas, las alianzas sociales, las relaciones de poder y las estructuras institucionales que conforman el trasfondo político del desarrollo reciente de la política social en Argentina. Se concluye que la transformación de la política social está relacionada con el fortalecimiento de los sectores marginalizados de las clases populares como actores polí- ticos y su incorporación a la alianza gubernamental de centro-izquierda. --- Social protection for low income earners in Argentina has been significantly expanded since the crisis at the turn of the century. The article analyzes the political dynamics, social alliances, power balances and institutional structures that underlie the recent development of social policy in Argentina. It concludes that the transformation of social policy was linked to the strengthening of the lower popular classes as political actors and their incorporation into a centre-left governmental alliance.

The paper critically addresses several interpretations of the concept of "property-owning democracy", an institutional regime which allows for private property of production means and is preferable, according to Rawls, to welfare state capitalism. It is discussed, first, whether the capital dispersion ambitioned by property-owning democracy should be taken as tantamount to wealth dispersion. Secondly, it is inquired whether property-owning democracy should be associated only to a given result – e.g., capital or wealth dispersion– or also as a sort of regime under which such result is reached through certain means. Property-owning democracy would therefore be understood as a predistributive regime (in contrast with the redistributive welfare state). The conclusion, in sum, is that, putting aside issues regarding human capital, there are reasons to elect a simple definition of property-owning democracy as a regime that disperses wealth to a considerable degree. The final section answers some critiques of property-owning democracy as an alternative to welfare state capitalism. ; O trabalho apresenta diferentes interpretações sobre a "democracia decidadãos proprietários" (DCP), um regime que permite a propriedadeprivada dos meios de produção e se mostra superior, segundo Rawls, aocapitalismo de bem-estar. Discuto, primeiro, se a dispersão do capitalambicionada pela DCP deve ser tomada como algo distinto de dispersãoda riqueza. Trato, em segundo lugar, da questão de saber se o que importapara a caracterização da DCP é apenas o resultado – seja ele a dispersãodo capital ou da riqueza – ou também o meio de obtê-lo, caso no qual a DCPpoderia ser entendida como regime predistributivo (em contraposição ao"welfare state", um regime eminentemente redistributivo). Minha conclusão,em suma, é que, afora o que concerne ao "capital humano", há razões parapreferir uma conceituação simples, que defina a DCP como regime que logradispersar a riqueza em considerável medida. A última seção responde, ainda,a algumas críticas à DCP como alternativa ao capitalismo de bem-estar.

In this paper we analyze the case of women involved in a piqueteros' movement named Frente Popular Dario Santillán. This movement promotes "social change" through the transformation of political practices and overcoming "the old forms of domination". Despite this purpose, it still has a distinctive characteristic shared with other "traditional" institutions: although it was composed mostly of women, the leaders were men. This is the starting point of a "women space" conformation. From this space women have questioned not only the distribution of power within the movement, but also the meanings of social change. In this article we analyse this process from conceptual tools introduced by Fraser-Honneth debate. ; Este trabajo analiza las experiencias de un grupo de mujeres que conformaron un espacio propio en un movimiento social, el Frente Popular Darío Santillán. Este movimiento impulsa el "cambio social" a partir de la transformación de las prácticas políticas y la superación de "los viejos esquemas de dominación". A pesar de este propósito, conserva una característica que lo equipara a dichos esquemas: la mayor parte de sus líderes eran varones, a pesar de estar compuesto mayoritariamente por mujeres. Este fue el punto de partida para la conformación de un "espacio de mujeres". Desde este espacio las mujeres cuestionaron no sólo la distribución de poder en el movimiento sino también los alcances del concepto de "cambio social". Este proceso es analizado a partir de las herramientas conceptuales que aporta el debate Fraser-Honneth a la reflexión en torno a la vinculación política y la acción colectiva contenciosa.

English translation of the Treaty of Vienna, signed 9 June 1815, also known as the 'Final Act of the Congress of Vienna'. The Congress was convened to settle many issues arising during the French Revolutionary Wars, the Napoleonic Wars, and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular the redistribution of land and establishment of boundaries and rulers across Europe

The debate with which this article is committed careful and detainee is to deepen the real effect produced by the absence of tools to effectively have a watchful eye on one of the most important arms of the social state of law. Structural and legislative failures are found within the necessary vigilant social intervention of the processes of redistribution of income within the framework of the public services domiciles in Colombia that have to be the nucleus of the present investigation. The bibliographical revision is a primordial element in the construction of the present article, and the identification of the legislative abysses that definitively fracture the protectionist scheme of our state. It is clearly concluded with the need to issue clear and precise regulations that guide the construction of a vigilant and strict model with respect to the creation and protection of solidarity and redistribution funds. Key words: Surveillance, social control, home public services, solidarity fund, redistribution of income. ; El debate con el cual se compromete este artículo trata con detenimiento y profundidad la afectación real producida por la ausencia de herramientas para efectivamente tener una lupa vigilante sobre uno de los brazos más importantes del estado social de derecho. Se encuentran falencias estructurales y legislativas dentro de la necesaria intervención social vigilante de los procesos de redistribución de ingresos en el marco de los servicios públicos domiciliarios en Colombia que han de ser el núcleo base de la presente investigación. La revisión bibliográfica es un elemento primordial en la construcción del presente artículo, y la identificación de los abismos legislativos que definitivamente fracturan el esquema proteccionista de nuestro estado. Se concluye claramente con la necesidad de expedir normativas claras y precisas que orienten la construcción de un modelo vigilante y estricto respecto a la creación y protección de los fondos de solidaridad y redistribución.

The debate with which this article is committed careful and detainee is to deepen the real effect produced by the absence of tools to effectively have a watchful eye on one of the most important arms of the social state of law. Structural and legislative failures are found within the necessary vigilant social intervention of the processes of redistribution of income within the framework of the public services domiciles in Colombia that have to be the nucleus of the present investigation. The bibliographical revision is a primordial element in the construction of the present article, and the identification of the legislative abysses that definitively fracture the protectionist scheme of our state. It is clearly concluded with the need to issue clear and precise regulations that guide the construction of a vigilant and strict model with respect to the creation and protection of solidarity and redistribution funds. Key words: Surveillance, social control, home public services, solidarity fund, redistribution of income. ; El debate con el cual se compromete este artículo trata con detenimiento y profundidad la afectación real producida por la ausencia de herramientas para efectivamente tener una lupa vigilante sobre uno de los brazos más importantes del estado social de derecho. Se encuentran falencias estructurales y legislativas dentro de la necesaria intervención social vigilante de los procesos de redistribución de ingresos en el marco de los servicios públicos domiciliarios en Colombia que han de ser el núcleo base de la presente investigación. La revisión bibliográfica es un elemento primordial en la construcción del presente artículo, y la identificación de los abismos legislativos que definitivamente fracturan el esquema proteccionista de nuestro estado. Se concluye claramente con la necesidad de expedir normativas claras y precisas que orienten la construcción de un modelo vigilante y estricto respecto a la creación y protección de los fondos de solidaridad y redistribución.

Federal Revenue-Share System has been the result of complex negotiation processes where the involvement of their signatories (president and governors) is crucial to understand the outcomes achieved. In its evolution, this regime has reached an extraordinary reditributive effect in favour of the poorest and lesser developed provinces. At the same time, this same set of provinces presents, in turn, a strong overrepresentation in Congress. Based on these two assumptions, the aim of this paper is to show how those institutional resources (i.e., overrepresentation), can play as explanatory variables for the obtaining of greater material resources (revenue sharing system). ; El régimen de coparticipación ha sido el resultado de complejos procesos de negociaciones, donde la intervención de las partes signatarias (presidente y gobernadores) resulta crucial para arribar a los resultados obtenidos. A lo largo de su evolución, este régimen ha alcanzado un extraordinario efecto redistributivo a favor del conjunto de provincias más pobres y menos desarrolladas. Por otro lado, este mismo conjunto de provincias presenta, a su vez, una marcada sobrerrepresentación en el Congreso de la Nación. Partiendo de estos dos supuestos, el objetivo del presente trabajo es poner de resalto cómo aquellos recursos institucionales (mayor representación legislativa) pueden jugar como variables explicativas de la mayor obtención de recursos materiales (coparticipación)