Suchergebnisse

Referendum processes in the six post-communist countries – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine – have been analyzed. Classification of the referenda into categories, such as plebiscites, constitutional referenda, ratification referenda, and that of ratification, of political routine, has been proposed. Separatist referenda organized in the Republic of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Transnistria have not been recognized by international community. In the two cases, Azerbaijan and Belarus, referenda were used for a for constitutional amendments consolidating authoritarian regimes. Formal attribution of them to the simply "constitutional" would be inadequate; they rather should be categorized as sub-type of "Asian" referenda. Renewing traditional "transitional" logic, civilization theoretic approach, concept of "bridging civilization spaces" has been utilized in order to more adequate perception of processes within East European space.

Regulation of the Presidential Election in the Republic of Lithuania In 1992 in the Referendum on the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania President's institution has been re-established.According to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania is a democratic parliamentary republic. Lithuania is a parliamentary representative democratic republic and Lithuanian parliamentary, presidential elections and the elections of local government as well as referendums are held in a democratic way. Law on the Presidential elections regulates universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. The President of the Republic is elected by the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania. The main principles of Presidential elections are framed in the Constitutions. The President of the Republic takes the oath to a very special subject whom sovereignty belongs to. He/she swears to the People of Lithuania. The oath has got a constitutional importance and causes juristically after-effects. In 2004 the Parliament of Lithuania voted in favour of impeachment against Rolandas Paksas and removed him from office. The main task of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is to declare the acts of the Seimas unconstitutional and thus render them ineffective. Moreover, it adjudicates on the conformance of the acts of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania to the Laws. The Court has issued some acts and conclusions on the Law on Presidential elections. The Central Electoral Committee organises and provides the democratic elections of the President. The Law on Presidential elections was declared in 1992 and since that it was adopted and improved according to the suggestions of Political Parties or changes in the society. The draft on the new elections law is submitted for approval in Seimas this year. The objectives of this paper are to pass in review the Presidential Institution from a historic aspect and to explore the elections of the President in Lithuania which were held in 1993, 1997 and in 2004. Moreover, analysis of supplement of Law of the Presidential elections is also made in this paper.

Regulation of the Presidential Election in the Republic of Lithuania In 1992 in the Referendum on the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania President's institution has been re-established.According to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania is a democratic parliamentary republic. Lithuania is a parliamentary representative democratic republic and Lithuanian parliamentary, presidential elections and the elections of local government as well as referendums are held in a democratic way. Law on the Presidential elections regulates universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. The President of the Republic is elected by the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania. The main principles of Presidential elections are framed in the Constitutions. The President of the Republic takes the oath to a very special subject whom sovereignty belongs to. He/she swears to the People of Lithuania. The oath has got a constitutional importance and causes juristically after-effects. In 2004 the Parliament of Lithuania voted in favour of impeachment against Rolandas Paksas and removed him from office. The main task of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is to declare the acts of the Seimas unconstitutional and thus render them ineffective. Moreover, it adjudicates on the conformance of the acts of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania to the Laws. The Court has issued some acts and conclusions on the Law on Presidential elections. The Central Electoral Committee organises and provides the democratic elections of the President. The Law on Presidential elections was declared in 1992 and since that it was adopted and improved according to the suggestions of Political Parties or changes in the society. The draft on the new elections law is submitted for approval in Seimas this year. The objectives of this paper are to pass in review the Presidential Institution from a historic aspect and to explore the elections of the President in Lithuania which were held in 1993, 1997 and in 2004. Moreover, analysis of supplement of Law of the Presidential elections is also made in this paper.

Regulation of the Presidential Election in the Republic of Lithuania In 1992 in the Referendum on the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania President's institution has been re-established.According to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania is a democratic parliamentary republic. Lithuania is a parliamentary representative democratic republic and Lithuanian parliamentary, presidential elections and the elections of local government as well as referendums are held in a democratic way. Law on the Presidential elections regulates universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. The President of the Republic is elected by the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania. The main principles of Presidential elections are framed in the Constitutions. The President of the Republic takes the oath to a very special subject whom sovereignty belongs to. He/she swears to the People of Lithuania. The oath has got a constitutional importance and causes juristically after-effects. In 2004 the Parliament of Lithuania voted in favour of impeachment against Rolandas Paksas and removed him from office. The main task of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is to declare the acts of the Seimas unconstitutional and thus render them ineffective. Moreover, it adjudicates on the conformance of the acts of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania to the Laws. The Court has issued some acts and conclusions on the Law on Presidential elections. The Central Electoral Committee organises and provides the democratic elections of the President. The Law on Presidential elections was declared in 1992 and since that it was adopted and improved according to the suggestions of Political Parties or changes in the society. The draft on the new elections law is submitted for approval in Seimas this year. The objectives of this paper are to pass in review the Presidential Institution from a historic aspect and to explore the elections of the President in Lithuania which were held in 1993, 1997 and in 2004. Moreover, analysis of supplement of Law of the Presidential elections is also made in this paper.

Regulation of the Presidential Election in the Republic of Lithuania In 1992 in the Referendum on the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania President's institution has been re-established.According to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania is a democratic parliamentary republic. Lithuania is a parliamentary representative democratic republic and Lithuanian parliamentary, presidential elections and the elections of local government as well as referendums are held in a democratic way. Law on the Presidential elections regulates universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. The President of the Republic is elected by the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania. The main principles of Presidential elections are framed in the Constitutions. The President of the Republic takes the oath to a very special subject whom sovereignty belongs to. He/she swears to the People of Lithuania. The oath has got a constitutional importance and causes juristically after-effects. In 2004 the Parliament of Lithuania voted in favour of impeachment against Rolandas Paksas and removed him from office. The main task of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania is to declare the acts of the Seimas unconstitutional and thus render them ineffective. Moreover, it adjudicates on the conformance of the acts of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania to the Laws. The Court has issued some acts and conclusions on the Law on Presidential elections. The Central Electoral Committee organises and provides the democratic elections of the President. The Law on Presidential elections was declared in 1992 and since that it was adopted and improved according to the suggestions of Political Parties or changes in the society. The draft on the new elections law is submitted for approval in Seimas this year. The objectives of this paper are to pass in review the Presidential Institution from a historic aspect and to explore the elections of the President in Lithuania which were held in 1993, 1997 and in 2004. Moreover, analysis of supplement of Law of the Presidential elections is also made in this paper.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.

Although Turkey has been knocking on the EU's gates for almost four decades, only the echo of that knock was being heard in Lithuania until 2004. After Lithuania joined the EU, the question of Turkish membership in the EU was by design added to the agenda of the Lithuanian government's foreign policy. High-ranking state officials rushed to assure both citizens and the world that Lithuania supports the objectives of Turkey, whereas opposition (rightist) parties expressed concern about the lack of debate on this issue in the Parliament, the government and society in general. The opinion of the society, to which the Lithuanian government had not yet appealed in any way, is not clear yet. Political analysts and journalists writing on this issue tend to demonize Turkey and practically frighten the general public. It seems that a passively negative mood is settling over ordinary citizens, which in the case of referendum can become potential "No's" to the Turkish membership in the Bloc.