The article explains the approach to the transformation of Eastern Ukrainian conflict, in which the current crisis is recognized as a manifestation of deep-seated tensions. Features a two-pronged approach to achieving peace in the region: a) through the implementation of multilateral diplomacy, focused on changing aspects of the behaviour and attitudes of the parties to the conflict; b) by creating a body of restorative justice on the type of the South African Committee of truth and reconciliation. Suggested by the author strategic steps towards a peaceful end of the conflict, are: a) carrying out the decentralization reforms of Ukraine; b) the issue of Crimea by a national referendum; C) the designation of economic security as a priority the way to achieve political security; and (d) the gradual establishment of strategic alliances that will provide for Ukraine's membership in the EU but not NATO in the coming years. In his proposals author uses a large experience in this kind of problems on the conflicts on Middle East, Africa and Southern America areas. ; В статье обосновывается подход к трансформации украинского конфликта, в рамках которого нынешний кризис признается как проявление глубинных напряженностей. Предлагается двухаспектный подход к достижению мира в регионе: а) путем осуществления многосторонней дипломатии, ориентированной на изменение аспектов поведения и установок участников конфликта; б) путем создания органа восстановительного правосудия по типу южноафриканского комитета правды и примирения. Предлагаемые автором стратегические шаги, направленные на мирное завершение конфликта, таковы: а) проведение реформ по децентрализации Украины; б) решение вопроса Крыма путем всенародного референдума; в) обозначение экономической безопасности как приоритетного пути для достижения политической безопасности; г) постепенное создание стратегических альянсов, которые предусмотрят членство Украины в ЕС, но не в НАТО, в ближайшие годы. ; У статті обґрунтовується підхід до трансформації українського конфлікту, в рамках якого нинішня криза визнається як прояв глибинних напруг. Пропонується двохаспектний підхід до досягнення миру в регіоні: а) шляхом здійснення багатосторонньої дипломатії, орієнтованої на зміну аспектів поведінки і установок учасників конфлікту; б) шляхом створення органу відновного правосуддя по типу південноафриканського комітету правди та примирення. Автор пропонує стратегічні кроки, спрямовані на мирне завершення конфлікту: а) проведення реформ з децентралізації України; б) вирішення питання Криму шляхом всенародного референдуму; в) позначення економічної безпеки як пріоритетного шляху для досягнення політичної безпеки; г) поступове створення стратегічних альянсів, які передбачать членство України в ЄС, але не в НАТО, в найближчі роки.
Мэтай артыкула з'яўляецца вылучэнне і даследаванне асноўных тэндэнцый і этапаў развіцця адносін паміж Беларуссю і Літвой у 1990-я гг. Па структуры ён складаецца з трох частак, прысвечаных аналізу развіцця трох асноўных сфер беларуска-літоўскіх міждзяржаўных адносін у гэты перыяд: дынамікі палітычных кантактаў (улічваючы іх колькасць і ўзровень), развіцця дамоўна-прававой базы міждзяржаўнага супрацоўніцтва, а таксама развіцця гандлёва-эканамічных сувязей. На падставе параўнання вынікаў аналізу гэтых сфер аўтар вылучае тры асноўных перыяды развіцця беларуска-літоўскіх адносін у 1990-я гг. Першы з іх (1991—1994) характарызаваўся як час інтэнсіўных, але не надта плённых палітычных кантактаў і маруднага развіцця эканамічных сувязей і дамоўна-прававой базы. Другі этап (1994—1998) вызначаўся актывізацыяй двухбаковых адносін ва ўсіх сферах. Аднак ён быў азмрочаны пагаршэннем стасункаў афіцыйнага Мінска з Захадам пасля канстытуцыйнага рэферэндуму 1996 г. у Беларусі. Пасля непрацяглага перыяду, калі Прэзідэнт Літвы А. Бразаўскас спрабаваў выступіць пасрэднікам паміж Беларуссю і Захадам, пачаўся трэці этап паступовага «замарожвання» літоўска-беларускіх палітычных кантактаў і эканамізацыі двухбаковых адносін. = The goal of the article is to reveal and explore the main trends and phases of relations between the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Lithuania in the 1990s. Its structure includes three parts dedicated to the analysis of three main fi elds of the Belarusian-Lithuanian interstate relations during this period: the dynamics of political contacts (taking into account their level and frequency), the development of the legal base of the Belarusian-Lithuanian interstate cooperation and the development of trade and economic relations. Comparing the results of the analysis of these directions, the author identifi es three main periods in the development of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations in the 1990s. The initial stage (1991—1994) can be described as a time of intensive, but not very fruitful political contacts and rather slow progress in economic relations and legal base development. The second stage (1994—1998) was a time of activisation of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations in all fi elds, yet overclouded after the 1996 referendum in Belarus by the worsening of the offi cial Minsk relations with the EU and the West in general. After a short period of Lithuanian President A. Brazauskas efforts to mediate between Belarus and the West there came the third stage of gradual «freezing» of Belarusian-Lithuanian political contacts and the economization of the whole agenda of bilateral relations.
Key words: Great Britain; EU; migration crisis; conservative party; refugees; immigrants; Brexit. = Ключевые слова: Великобритания; ЕС; миграционный кризис; консервативная партия; беженцы; иммигранты; Брексит. ; В статье рассмотрено влияние миграционного кризиса 2015 г. на отношения Великобритании и ЕС. Проанализированы вклад Великобритании в урегулирование кризиса, роль вопросов иммиграции в политике консервативной партии Соединенного Королевства, особенности восприятия иммигрантов в британском обществе. Особенностью политики консерваторов в исследуемый период было стремление реформировать ЕС в собственных интересах в условиях миграционного кризиса, тем самым выполнить предвыборное обещание и привлечь на свою сторону сторонников европейской интеграции. Особое внимание уделяется рассмотрению британских предложений по реформированию ЕС, а также переговорному процессу правительства Великобритании с ЕС по вопросу внесения изменений в его основополагающий договор. Автор также отмечает, что негативное общественное мнение в отношении иммигрантов во многом определило результат референдума 2016 г. о членстве Великобритании в ЕС. На основе проведенного исследования автор делает вывод, что проблемы иммиграции занимали центральное место в переговорах Д. Кэмерона с ЕС и активно использовались противниками европейской интеграции в качестве аргумента в пользу выхода из союза. Негативное отношение и нетерпимость в отношении иммигрантов существовали в британском обществе и ранее, однако миграционный кризис 2015 г. обострил эти противоречия. ; This article examines the impact of the migration crisis of 2015 on the relations between the UK and the EU. The contribution of Great Britain to the settlement of the crisis, the role of immigration issues in the policy of the Conservative Party of the United Kingdom, the peculiarities of the perception of immigrants in the British society are analyzed. A feature of the policy of the Conservatives during the period under investigation was the desire to reform the EU in their own interests in the conditions of the migration crisis, and thus fulfill the pre-election promise and at-tract supporters of European integration to their side. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of British proposals for reforming the union, as well as the negotiation process of the British government with the EU on the issue of amending its fundamental treaty. The author also notes that negative public opinion regarding immigrants largely determined the result of the 2016 referendum on the UK's membership in the EU. Based on the study, the author concludes that immigration issues were central to Cameron's negotiations with the EU and were actively used by opponents of European integration as an argument in favor of seceding from the union. Negative attitudes and intolerance towards immigrants existed in British society before, but the migration crisis of 2015 escalated these contradictions.
Subject. The article is devoted to analysis of some issues concerning realization of adversary principal in proceedings in the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation.Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze foreign experience of legal regulation of the status of constitutional court process participants as parties and/or interested persons in constitutional court proceeding, to give arguments in favor of introducing the category of 'interested privies' in Russian legislation regulating constitutional court proceedings.Methodology. The author uses theoretical analysis as well as legal methods including formal legal analysis and the method of legal comparison.Results, scope of application. Law often does not specify the party opposing the claimant during the proceedings in the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. The need to introduce the adversary principal in such cases requires to introduce the category of 'interested privies', whose rights and duties may be affected during the case solution in the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation.The following persons and entities may become interested privies in Constitutional proceedingst: persons whose claims brought against the decision of intergovernmental body for protecting human rights and freedoms - in cases on possibility of executing the decision of intergovernmental body for protecting human rights and freedoms; the State Duma and the Council of Federation of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation as bodies participating in ratification of the treaty - in cases on the check of constitutional legitimacy of a treaty about accepting new subject into the Russian Federation; constitutional bodies and public offices whose constitutional legal status may be changed as a result of official interpretation of constitutional rules - in cases on interpreting the Constitution; the RF Central Election Committee - in cases on the check of constitutional legitimacy of an issue introduced for the referendum of the Russian Federation; the President of the Russian Federation (if the request comes from the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation); the State Duma, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, President of the Russian Federation - in cases on providing the ruling about the observance of the established rules public prosecution of the President of the Russian Federation for treason or another serious offence.Conclusions. The category 'interested persons' will enable to provide guarantee of fair trial in resolving constitutional court conflicts, if such category would be included into Russian legislation. ; Анализируются проблемы реализации принципа состязательности при рассмотрении отдельных категорий дел в Конституционном Суде РФ. На основе зарубежного опыта правового регулирования предлагается ввести категорию заинтересованных лиц в качестве участников конституционного судопроизводства по тем категориям дел, в которых законом не определена противоположная заявителю сторона.
The subject of the master's work is the Budapest Memorandum. The purpose of the work is to consider the significance of the Budapest Memorandum, as well as the causes and consequences of its violations. The main objectives of the work: to explore the development of international relations between the Republic of Belarus, the European Union and the Russian Federation in the XX century; to determine the role of international law in resolving the political crisis in the Republic of Belarus by the example of an analysis of the Budapest memorandum; assess the prospects for the development of international law with regard to the provision of guarantees and territorial integrity to the countries-participants of potential conflicts. The methodological basis is the method of system analysis, comparative historical method, structural and functional analysis, forecasting method. All these methods allowed, on the basis of a thorough study of sources, academic literature, media, Internet sources and interviews, to study the chosen scientific problem. The presented work, combining the method of system analysis, comparative historical method, structural and functional analysis, forecasting method, is an analysis of the Budapest memorandum and an attempt to identify the causes of violation of the memorandum articles in relation to the Republic of Belarus. In the framework of this work, little-known facts were examined about the interference of the guarantor country of the Budapest memorandum of the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of the Republic of Belarus. The study may serve as another argument for creating an international negotiating platform for resolving a conflict situation. The fist document of nuclear disarmament of the Republic Belarus was State Sovereignty Declaration (the 27th of July 1990) which said that Belarus declared its intention to become a permanently neutral state in the future, which won't place military forces of other countries and refuses nuclear weapons. After signing Lisbon Protocol in 1992 Belarus arranged the membership in the Treaty of Strategic Offensive Reduction (START I Treaty), which supposed that Belarus is the follower of Soviet Union in the part of following the agreement the START I Treaty, but not in the part of nuclear weapons. On the 22 of July 1993 Belarus officially joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and became the first state which willingly rejected owning nuclear weapons, which was left after the collapse of the USSR. Welcoming the fact of joining of the Republic Belarus in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons on the 23d of May 1992 as a non-nuclear state, the UK, Russia and the USA provided Belarus with the guaranty of safety and fixed their responsibilities in Budapest memorandum on the 5th of December 1994. According to Budapest memorandum this guaranty is the realization of Helsinki act of OSCE 1975 concerning Belarus and Ukraine. By the rejection of nuclear weapons in exchange of safety guaranty on UN principles Belarus and Ukraine have strengthened the international regime of non-spreading of nuclear weapons and Euro-Atlantic safety in general. At the same time with signing Budapest memorandum of safety guaranties of Belarus and Ukraine OSCE behavior code concerning military-political safety aspects was adopted. The analyses of Budapest memorandum text shows that this international document after its creation created for signing countries-the USA, the UK and Russia-the responsibilities of providing territorial safety and political sovereignty of Belarus and Ukraine in return of handing in the nuclear weapons to Russia by these countries, and later Belarus and Ukraine got the following guaranties for the China and France which joined later-from force threat or its usage against the territorial safety and political independence (p.2 of Budapest memorandum),from economical force, aimed at realization of sovereignty state rights for their own interests and gaining any advantages in this way(p.3 of Budapest memorandum) On the 22 of November 1996 due to Russia's interference into the internal affairs of sovereignty Belarus and agreement was made "About public-political situation and constitutional reform in Belarus" which allowed the president to hold a referendum on the 24th of November 1996 about the changing of the constitution of Belarus. Using the political interference into the internal affairs of Belarus, Russia in November 1996 broke p. 2 and p. 3 of Budapest memorandum, putting pressure on the Supreme council and the Constitutional court and putting the Belorussian economy in dependence of Russian preferences. Concerning Ukraine Russia broke p.2 of Budapest memorandum "avoid force threat or its usage against territorial safety. On these points which refer to Budapest memorandum the international policy of non-recognition of the changed status of Autonomous Republic of the Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and their annexation by Russia is based (according to the referendum in the Crimea on the 14th of March 2014.The 9th of April 2014 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) in its resolution 1988(2014) The failure of Budapest memorandum of 1994 which had to provide safety guaranties for Ukraine and Belarus has really undermined the trust to the similar documents which don't have the legal power, which Russia and the West could offer to other countries. Signing of such guaranties by the resolution of the safety council of the UN would make them legally compulsory. At the moment between governments of Russian and Belarus are negotiating about signing the programs of profound integration within the agreement about the Union state from the 26th of January 2000, the Union state of Belarus and Russia together with the Ukrainian territory-the Republic of the Crimea and the city of Sevastopol will undermine the international regime about non-spreading of nuclear weapons and the Euro-Atlantic safety system.
The subject of the master's work is the Budapest Memorandum. The purpose of the work is to consider the significance of the Budapest Memorandum, as well as the causes and consequences of its violations. The main objectives of the work: to explore the development of international relations between the Republic of Belarus, the European Union and the Russian Federation in the XX century; to determine the role of international law in resolving the political crisis in the Republic of Belarus by the example of an analysis of the Budapest memorandum; assess the prospects for the development of international law with regard to the provision of guarantees and territorial integrity to the countries-participants of potential conflicts. The methodological basis is the method of system analysis, comparative historical method, structural and functional analysis, forecasting method. All these methods allowed, on the basis of a thorough study of sources, academic literature, media, Internet sources and interviews, to study the chosen scientific problem. The presented work, combining the method of system analysis, comparative historical method, structural and functional analysis, forecasting method, is an analysis of the Budapest memorandum and an attempt to identify the causes of violation of the memorandum articles in relation to the Republic of Belarus. In the framework of this work, little-known facts were examined about the interference of the guarantor country of the Budapest memorandum of the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of the Republic of Belarus. The study may serve as another argument for creating an international negotiating platform for resolving a conflict situation. The fist document of nuclear disarmament of the Republic Belarus was State Sovereignty Declaration (the 27th of July 1990) which said that Belarus declared its intention to become a permanently neutral state in the future, which won't place military forces of other countries and refuses nuclear weapons. After signing Lisbon Protocol in 1992 Belarus arranged the membership in the Treaty of Strategic Offensive Reduction (START I Treaty), which supposed that Belarus is the follower of Soviet Union in the part of following the agreement the START I Treaty, but not in the part of nuclear weapons. On the 22 of July 1993 Belarus officially joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and became the first state which willingly rejected owning nuclear weapons, which was left after the collapse of the USSR. Welcoming the fact of joining of the Republic Belarus in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons on the 23d of May 1992 as a non-nuclear state, the UK, Russia and the USA provided Belarus with the guaranty of safety and fixed their responsibilities in Budapest memorandum on the 5th of December 1994. According to Budapest memorandum this guaranty is the realization of Helsinki act of OSCE 1975 concerning Belarus and Ukraine. By the rejection of nuclear weapons in exchange of safety guaranty on UN principles Belarus and Ukraine have strengthened the international regime of non-spreading of nuclear weapons and Euro-Atlantic safety in general. At the same time with signing Budapest memorandum of safety guaranties of Belarus and Ukraine OSCE behavior code concerning military-political safety aspects was adopted. The analyses of Budapest memorandum text shows that this international document after its creation created for signing countries-the USA, the UK and Russia-the responsibilities of providing territorial safety and political sovereignty of Belarus and Ukraine in return of handing in the nuclear weapons to Russia by these countries, and later Belarus and Ukraine got the following guaranties for the China and France which joined later-from force threat or its usage against the territorial safety and political independence (p.2 of Budapest memorandum),from economical force, aimed at realization of sovereignty state rights for their own interests and gaining any advantages in this way(p.3 of Budapest memorandum) On the 22 of November 1996 due to Russia's interference into the internal affairs of sovereignty Belarus and agreement was made "About public-political situation and constitutional reform in Belarus" which allowed the president to hold a referendum on the 24th of November 1996 about the changing of the constitution of Belarus. Using the political interference into the internal affairs of Belarus, Russia in November 1996 broke p. 2 and p. 3 of Budapest memorandum, putting pressure on the Supreme council and the Constitutional court and putting the Belorussian economy in dependence of Russian preferences. Concerning Ukraine Russia broke p.2 of Budapest memorandum "avoid force threat or its usage against territorial safety. On these points which refer to Budapest memorandum the international policy of non-recognition of the changed status of Autonomous Republic of the Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and their annexation by Russia is based (according to the referendum in the Crimea on the 14th of March 2014.The 9th of April 2014 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) in its resolution 1988(2014) The failure of Budapest memorandum of 1994 which had to provide safety guaranties for Ukraine and Belarus has really undermined the trust to the similar documents which don't have the legal power, which Russia and the West could offer to other countries. Signing of such guaranties by the resolution of the safety council of the UN would make them legally compulsory. At the moment between governments of Russian and Belarus are negotiating about signing the programs of profound integration within the agreement about the Union state from the 26th of January 2000, the Union state of Belarus and Russia together with the Ukrainian territory-the Republic of the Crimea and the city of Sevastopol will undermine the international regime about non-spreading of nuclear weapons and the Euro-Atlantic safety system.
В работе излагаются основные этапы исторического развития института канцлера юстиции как гаранта конституционных прав граждан в Эстонской Республике. Анализируются проблемы расширения функций деятельности института канцлера юстиции. Конституционный институт канцлера юстиции был восстановлен и в то же время с принятием Конституции Эстонской Республики путем народного голосования в 1992 г. получил новое значение в Эстонии. Посвященная этому институту ст. 7 гл. 12 была о канцлере юстиции. С 1999 г. содержание функции института канцлера юстиции стало расширяться. Если до 1940 г. канцлер юстиции выполнял в основном обязанности советника юстиции Президента, то с 1992 г. к этому прибавились еще функция конституционного надзора и функция по вопросам инициирования привлечения к уголовной ответственности высших государственных служащих и членов парламента; теперь содержание института стало расширяться также путем добавления обязанностей омбудсмена. Начиная с XXI в. канцлер юстиции выполняет в Эстонской Республике также функцию омбудсмена, с 2011 г. здесь наблюдается дополнительная дифференциация его обязанностей. Добавились обязанности детского омбудсмена, не исключено, что в ближайшее время можно ожидать также прибавления обязанностей уполномоченного по половому равноправию. Существенным является то, что со вступлением в силу с 2016 г. нового закона о защите детей более высокий стандарт качества защиты детей прибавит детскому омбудсмену также новые обязанности. ; In the article the main stages of the historical development of the institution of the Chancellor of Justice as the guarantor of constitutional rights and freedoms of Estonian citizens are presented. The authors of the article provide the analysis of the issues, concerning the expansion of functional activities and responsibilities of the Chancellor of Justice in Estonia. The authors of the article point out that Constitutional institution of Chancellor of Justice was restored and at the same time got its new meaning in 1992 when adopted at referendum of the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia. It is noted that the 7-th Article of Chapter 12 was dedicated to this institution of Chancellor of Justice. Since 1999 the functions of the institution of Chancellor of Justice have become wider. Before 1940 the Chancellor of Justice was mostly the President's legal advisor. In 1992 the Constitutional supervising role was added, also so far Attorney Generals rule to start criminal proceedings of higher civil servants and Members of Parliament. From the 21 century the Ombudsman function was added and since 2011 additional differentiation of Ombudsmans function has taken place. Firstly, the Children's Ombudsman's functions were added to the functions of the Chancellor of Justice and it is expected that in the near future the functions of the Gender Equality Commissioner will be added as well. It is important that from 2016 the new Child Protection Law will be enforced which marks the beginning of higher standard era for children's rights and provides additional tasks for the Chancellor of Justice.
The article raises the following question: what could be grounds for rationality and foundations for spiritual and moral value systems in the 21st century world that is marked by the dominance of the so-called "post-truth politics"? In order to answer this question, the author addresses two conceptions of post-truth, proposed by the rhetorical theorist Bruce McComiskey and social epistemologist Steve Fuller, and compares them highlighting the first one.According to McComiskey, the post-truth condition differs from the earlier situation by the change of the prevailing rhetorical regime. Whereas previously the "bullshit" (Harry Frankfurt's term) of politicians and mass media was affecting the ethos and pathos of communication, leaving logos mostly intact, then nowadays, after the Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election of Donald Trump, logos has been denigrated. Having analyzed McComiskey's approach in the light of Fuller's conception, the author concludes that the former's treatment of the subject is insufficient, because post-truth has not merely a negative (as McComiskey believes) but also a positive dimension.In order to describe both these dimensions, the author uses Michel Meyer's rhetorical theory — problematology. It helps to demonstrate that McComiskey's emphasis on logos is excessive and that the "objective facts" (allegedly threatened in the post-truth world) include not only logos but also other rhetorical elements.The author concludes that the problematological paradigm with its focus on questioning can provide grounds for rationality and moral values in the world that has emerged from the "postmodern condition". ; В статье поднимается вопрос о том, какими могут быть основания у рациональности и духовно-нравственных ценностных установок в XXI в. в мире, отмеченном господством так называемой «политики постправды». Для ответа автор обращается к концепциям постправды теоретика риторики Брюса Маккомиски и социального эпистемолога Стива Фуллера и производит их сравнение, более подробно останавливаясь на первой.С точки зрения Маккомиски, ситуация постправды отличается от более ранней ситуации изменением преобладающего риторического режима — если ранее «брехня» (термин Гарри Франкфурта) политических деятелей, СМИ и медиа затрагивала этос и пафос коммуникации, оставляя логос по большей части нетронутым, то в наши дни, после референдума о Брексите и избрания Дональда Трампа президентом США, логос оказался подвергнут обесцениванию. Проанализировав подход Маккомиски с учетом концепции Фуллера, автор делает вывод, что рассмотрение предмета первым недостаточно, поскольку постправда обладает не только отрицательным (как полагает Маккомиски), но и положительным измерением.Для того чтобы описать оба данных измерения, автор прибегает к риторической теории Мишеля Мейера — проблематологии. С ее помощью он демонстрирует, что упор, который Маккомиски делает на логосе, избыточен и что «объективные факты» (якобы оказавшиеся под угрозой в мире постправды) включают в себя не только логос, но и остальные риторические компоненты.Автор приходит к заключению, что проблематологическая парадигма с ее акцентом на вопрошании способна дать основание для рациональности и нравственных ценностей в мире, вышедшем из «состояния постмодерна».
Раздел "Международные отношения" ; В статье проанализированы направления исследований внешней политики Беларуси в Германии в 1990-х гг., выделены их основные этапы и особенности, сделана попытка проследить эволюцию взглядов германских ученых, особенности их методологических подходов. Автор отмечает, что интерес к Беларуси у исследователей ФРГ обозначился на рубеже 1980—1990-х гг., в период экономических и политических преобразований в СССР. Изучение внешней политики Беларуси в 1990-х гг. в Германии осуществлялось в основном учеными в области политических наук («Рolitikwissenschaft») в рамках исследований Восточной Европы («Osteuropaforschung»). По мнению автора, в Германии к концу 1990-х гг. в рамках школы белорусских исследований сложилась система научных исследований внешней политики Беларуси. Как отмечено в статье, основными направлениями, на которых были сосредоточены основные акценты исследований, являлись: статус республики после распада СССР в контексте региональной и международной безопасности; возможность интеграции Беларуси в европейскую систему экономических и политических отношений; формирование союзных отношений Беларуси и России; вопросы, связанные с расширением НАТО и ЕС и рассмотрение перспектив сотрудничества этих организаций с Республикой Беларусь; внешнеполитические аспекты конституционного референдума 1996 г. и развитие отношений Беларуси с ЕС, ОБСЕ и Советом Европы. Автор также подчеркивает, что достигнутый в 1990-е гг. в германской науке уровень исследований внешней политики Беларуси позволяет сделать вывод о том, что германская школа являлась одной из ведущих в области изучения внешней политики Республики Беларусь за рубежом. = The article undertakes the analysis of directions in the study of foreign policy of Belarus in Germany in the 1990s, their main stages and peculiarities. An attempt is made to investigate the evolution of views of German scholars and to examine the peculiarities of their methodological approaches. The author notes that the German scholars' interest in Belarus emerged between the 1980s and 1990s, in the period of economic and political transformations in the USSR. The study of Belarus' foreign policy in the 1990s was conducted mainly by scholars in the sphere of political science («Рolitikwissenschaft») within the framework of the Eastern Europe research («Osteuropaforschung»). According to the author, by the end of the 1990s a system of the Belarusian foreign policy research was formed in the framework of the Belarusian study in Germany. It is noted in the article that the main directions emphasized in the research were the following: the Republic's status after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the context of regional and international security; possible integration of Belarus into the European system of economic and political relations; formation of union relations between Belarus and Russia; questions related to the NATO and EU expansion and prospects of cooperation of both organizations with Belarus; foreign policy aspects of the 1996 constitutional referendum and the development of relations between Belarus and the EU, OSCE and the Council of Europe. The author also demonstrates that the level of research of the Belarusian foreign policy achieved in the 1990s in German political science allows to conclude that the German school was regarded as one of the leading schools in the sphere on Belarusian foreign policy study abroad.
Раздел "Международные отношения" ; Крупномасштабное расширение Европейского союза 2004 г., а также углубление интеграционных процессов в рамках ЕС потребовали выработки документа для четкой организации деятельности институтов Евросоюза и разграничения компетенций между национальным правительствами стран-членов и наднациональными структурами. С этой целью был разработан проект Конституции ЕС, окончательный и согласованный вариант которого был подписан главами государств — членов ЕС 29 октября 2004 г. Конституция предусматривала ряд новшеств: введение принципа принятия решений квалифицированным большинством, создание постов президента и министра иностранных дел ЕС, реформирование состава Европейской комиссии, расширение полномочий Европейского парламента, а также преобразование системы европейской безопасности. Для вступления Конституции ЕС в силу до конца октября 2006 г. за нее должны были проголосовать все 25 стран — членов Европейского союза. Конституционный договор был ратифицирован в 18 странах, однако против его принятия высказались граждане на референдумах во Франции и Нидерландах в мае 2005 г. Среди основных мотивов протестного голосования можно назвать тяжеловесность текста Конституции, опасения европейцев в отношении дальнейшей интеграции, экономические трудности, связанные с расширением на Восток. Отклонение Конституции в этих двух странах независимо от возможных итогов голосования в других государствах ЕС заблокировало данный проект. Итак, Европейский союз на некоторое время оказался в состоянии политического кризиса, после чего возникла острая необходимость поиска новых путей выхода из сложившейся ситуации. = The significant EU enlargement in 2004 together with the deeper integration process within the EU had led to the necessity of elaborating a document for smooth organization of the EU institutions' activity and clear division of power between the national governments of its member-states and the EU supranational structures. For this purpose the EU Constitution had been worked out. On October 29, 2004 its final version was signed by the heads of the EU member-states. The Constitution envisaged some innovations: introduction of the qualified majority voting principle in the decision-taking process, creation of such posts as the EU President and the EU Minister for Foreign Affairs, reformation of the EU Commission structure, greater powers for the EU Parliament as well as some changes in the EU security system. For the EU Constitution to come into force before the end of October 2006 it had to be adopted by 25 member-states of the EU. The EU Constitution was ratified in 18 countries, but at the referendums in France and the Netherlands in March 2005 it was rejected. The main reasons for its turndown are the cumbersome text of the Constitution, the Europeans' misgivings about further integration process, economic problems, caused by the accession of the Eastern European countries. Regardless of the voting results in the other EU member-states the rejection of the EU Constitution in the above-mentioned countries has blocked this project. Thus, the EU has faced a political crisis which rendered it necessary to find ways out from such a situation.
The article is devoted to the upcoming presidential elections in the Republic of Madagascar, the actions of the current ruling power are subjected to analysis. Special focus was made on the ongoing political situation before the elections. The possible legal field in which could be organized the upcoming elections and its possible reforms are analyzed. Forecasts about the evolution of the political situation in the Republic were given. ; Статья посвящена предстоящим президентским выборам в Республике Мадагаскар, в ней представлен анализ действий действующей власти в стране. Особый акцент сделан на текущей политической обстановке перед выборами. Анализируются возможное правовое поле, на основе которого будут проведены выборы, и возможные изменения. Даны прогнозы дальнейшего развития ситуации до, во время и после выборов.
The subject. The article presents a special study of the law enforcement practice of electoral legislation made by a court of various instances in the process of elections to the Omsk City Council of the sixth convocation held on September 10, 2017. The collision arises between the enforcement of federal and regional legislation is analyzed in the article.The purpose of the article is to find the ways of solving the conflict that arose during thr enforcement of federal and regional legislation regarding the verification procedure of voter's signature.The methodology. The methods of analysis and synthesis are used. The focus of the scientific analysis concerns the courts decisions.The results, scope of application. In the Federal Law "On Basic Guarantees of Electoral Rights and the Right to Participate in the Referendum of Citizens of the Russian Federation" of June 12, 2002, No. 67-FZ, the last paragraph of par. 8 of art. 37 fixes a set of issues established by the law of a sub-sovereign entity of the Russian Federation in holding the elections to a representative body of local self-government. In 2003, the regional law No. 456-OZ "On Elections to Local Self-Government Bodies of the Omsk Region" was passed, in which issues referred to the jurisdiction of the subject of the Russian Federation in the last paragraph of par. 8 of art. 37 of Federal Law No. 67, were not confirmed, especially with regard to the consolidation of the verification order of voters' signatures and grounds for recognition these signatures invalid, and (or) invalidated. At the same time, the Federal Law "On ensuring the constitutional rights of citizens of the Russian Federation to elect and be elected to local self-government bodies" No. 138-FZ of November 26, 1996, which in par. 2 of art. 1 "registered" the mechanism of its application in case of unsettledness, even with regard to the right to elect and be elected to the bodies of local self-government by the law of that body.The nsettledness concerns the verification order of authenticity of voters' signatures in candidacy lists when nominating candidates for representative bodies of local self-government.Conclusion. The article considers the sequence of solving this problem by the courts of the first, appellate and cassation instances, as a result of which the essence of the collision does not find its material and procedural solution, still remaining a gap both in the legislation and in the activities of federal control and supervisory bodies. ; Исследуется практика правоприменения избирательного законодательства судом различных инстанций в процессе проведения выборов в Омский городской Совет шестого созыва 10 сентября 2017 г. Рассматривается коллизия, возникшая в правоприменении федерального и областного законодательства относительно порядка проверки подписи избирателя, в результате которой в суды обратились несколько десятков граждан Российской Федерации, осуществивших самовыдвижение своих кандидатур в депутаты Омского городского Совета шестого созыва. Административные иски граждан основывались на том, что при отсутствии порядка проверки подлинности подписей избирателей эта работа сводилась избирательными комиссиями к проверке персональных данных подписанта, а не собственно его подписи.
The subject. The article is devoted to the analysis of the draft political and constitutional reform that was announced in the last Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly at January 15, 2020. The purpose of the article is to try to predict the positive and negative consequences of changing the legal status of the highest Russian authorities.The methodology of the study includes analysis and interpretation of Presidential Addresses to the Federal Assembly and Russian Constitution as well as dialectical approach and methods of political science.The main results and scope of their application. For a long time there was a clear request for changes in the government, and various expert platforms discussed issues related to changing the Constitution of the Russian Federation, which was adopted at a national referendum in December 1993.On January 15, 2020, Vladimir Putin addressed his 16th message to the Parliament. In accordance with the Constitution, the President of Russia annually addresses the Federal Assembly with a message on the situation in the country and on the main directions of domestic and foreign policy. The last address turned out to be a landmark and historical one, as it announced the main provisions of the upcoming large-scale political and constitutional reform in Russia. Heads of constituent entities, members of the State Duma and the Federation Council, Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers, Federal Ministers, heads of Federal bodies, judges will no longer be able to have foreign citizenship or a foreign residence permit. He proposed even more stringent requirements for a candidate for the post of Pres-ident: no foreign citizenship or residence permit even in the past, as well as permanent residence in Russia for at least 25 years. The position of the State Council is being strength-ened and it is reflected in the Constitution of the Russian Federation as an institution of power in the country. The position of the Federal Assembly is strengthened by the fact that the Parliament is given the right to approve the candidacy of the Prime Minister, as well as all Deputy Prime Ministers and Federal Ministers. The status of local self-government and the role of governors in the regions is being raised. The main reason for the reform is the desire to reduce the powers of the President and transfer part of them to the Parliament, so that the next President is no longer endowed with virtually absolute power, and, in turn, can not initiate another reform without the ap-proval of all branches of government. The author of the article identifies the reasons for the political reform and gives forecasts for the future after its implementation. Conclusions. The author links these changes to the upcoming transfer of presidential power after 2024. The reform does not mean the transition of the Russian Federation to a parliamentary republic, since the head of state retains the status of a key figure in the political system, and it is he who has concentrated key functions. Fixing a number of social obligations in the Constitution in terms of salaries and pensions will not have a significant impact on the socio-economic situation. ; Анализируются политические нововведения, которые были озвучены в Послании Пре-зидента РФ 15 января 2020 г. Выделяются причины предстоящих реформ и дается прогноз по их реализации. Данные изменения связываются с предстоящим процессом пе-редачи власти после 2024 г. Объясняются позитивные и негативные последствия усиления позиций парламента в стране, наделения особыми полномочиями Государственного Совета как института власти. Анализируются изменения, которые планируется внести в Конституцию РФ.
According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, local self-government is exercised by citizens through various means of direct expression of will, among which, in addition to a referendum and elections, special consideration should be given to the recall of elected representatives of local self-government. A recall is a sanction of municipal legal responsibility, the basis of which is the commission by a deputy or other elected person of local government of any wrongful act, and the content is the early termination of the person's authority on the initiative of the population. Thus, recall is not only a form of democracy, an institution that allows citizens to exercise and exercise their own democratic potential, but also a means of public control over the activities of people's representatives. The relevance of this topic is due to a number of theoretical issues (feasibility, legal nature, constitutionality) of the recall, and the presence of a multitude of problems arising at the stage of its implementation. This article is devoted to a complex of problems hampering the implementation of the responsibility of elected representatives of local self-government to voters. The author pays special attention to the analysis of the reasons for the actual absence of a recall in practice and the search for solutions that can turn a nominal institution into a really functioning mechanism of direct democracy at the level closest to the population – the level of local self-government. The article concludes that it is necessary to reform the legal procedure for conducting a withdrawal in order to further improve this legal institution. Based on the analysis of normative legal acts, a conclusion is made on the need to improve the current legislation in the field of regulation of grounds and the procedure for revocation. The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to develop a unified mechanism for attracting to municipal legal responsibility in the form of a withdrawal by clear regulation of this institution at the federal level with certain features provided for by the charters of municipalities ; Согласно Конституции Российской Федерации местное самоуправление осуществляется гражданами различными способами прямого волеизъявления, среди которых, помимо референдума и выборов, следует особо выделить и рассмотреть отзыв выборных лиц местного самоуправления. Отзыв представляет собой санкцию муниципально-правовой ответственности, основанием которой является совершение депутатом или иным выборным лицом местного самоуправления какого-либо противоправного деяния, а содержанием – досрочное прекращение полномочий данного лица по инициативе населения. Таким образом, отзыв является не только формой народовластия, институтом, позволяющим гражданам проявить и реализовать собственный демократический потенциал, но и способом общественного контроля за деятельностью народных избранников. Актуальность данной темы обусловлена как рядом теоретических вопросов (целесообразности, правовой природы, конституционности) отзыва, так и наличием множества проблем, возникающих на этапе его реализации. Настоящая статья посвящена комплексу проблем, препятствующих реализации ответственности выборных лиц местного самоуправления перед избирателями. Основное внимание автор уделяет анализу причин фактического отсутствия отзыва на практике и поиску решений, способных превратить номинальный институт в реально действующий механизм прямой непосредственной демократии на наиболее приближенном к населению уровне – уровне местного самоуправления. В статье делается вывод о необходимости реформирования правового порядка проведения отзыва в целях дальнейшего совершенствования данного правового института. На основе анализа нормативных правовых актов делается заключение о необходимости совершенствования действующего законодательства в сфере регулирования оснований и процедуры отзыва. Автор приходит к выводу о необходимости выработки единого механизма привлечения к муниципально-правовой ответственности в виде отзыва путем четкого регулирования данного института на федеральном уровне с некоторыми особенностями, предусмотренными уставами муниципальных образований.
