Political protests are growing in emerging and established emocracies. Since the 1970s, the demand for political participation has become obvious. The 1990s saw more open dialogue-oriented participatory instruments, which began to be implemented in some countries ('century of participation'). The proliferation of participatory instruments in the field of talk centric deliberative democracies has been called the 'deliberative turn' (Dryzek, 2002). A new push is also attributed to the open government data, the movement initiated by the US President Obama's government when it set up its open government data initiative in 2009. These include online and offline participation (Kersting, 2013). It is a practice that most new instruments of participation are implemented at the local level. It is frequently argued that these deliberative forums do not lead to binding decisions. However, compared to elections, the number of citizens participating is rather small and selective. New forms of vote-centric direct democracy such as referenda and other initiatives are implemented in some countries. The paper presents a model of offline and online participation. The focus will be on representative and direct democratic participation. Participation in elections and proliferation of referenda and initiatives will be analysed. Participation in these spheres of numeric democracy can lead to binding decisions. Legal frameworks of different European countries is presented and compared. Is the turnout at the local level small and declining? Who is included and who is excluded? In the empirical part, the article predominantly uses the analyses of the latest survey data from representative comparative opinion polls such as the World Value Survey (WVS). ; Politički protesti postaju učestaliji i u novim i u starim demokracijama. Od 1970-ih insistiranje na političkoj participaciji postaje očigledno. U nekim su se zemljama tijekom 1990-ih počeli primjenjivati otvoreniji, dijalogu okrenuti participativni instrumenti (stoljeće participacije). Bujanje participativnih instrumenata u na pregovore usredotočenim predstavničkim demokracijama naziva se predstavničkim zaokretom (Dryzek, 2002). Novi trend pripisuje se i otvorenom pristupu državnim podacima, pokretu koji je inicirala vlada američkog predsjednika Obame prilikom pokretanja svoje inicijative za otvoren pristup vladinim podacima 2009. To uključuje participaciju na Internetu i izvan njega (Kersting, 2013). Praksa je da se većina novih instrumenata participacije primjenjuje na lokalnoj razini. Često se prigovara da takvi forumi ne vode do obvezujućih rezultata. U usporedbi s izborima, broj građana koji sudjeluju u takvim forumima vrlo je malen i selektivan. Novi oblici izravne demokracije usmjerene na birače, poput referenduma i drugih inicijativa, primjenjuju se u određenim državama. Rad analizira model participacije putem Interneta i izvan njega. U središtu pozornosti je predstavnička i izravna demokratska participacija. Analizira se sudjelovanje na izborima i bujanje referenduma i drugih inicijativa. Participacija u tim sferama brojčane demokracije može dovesti do obvezujućih rezultata. Prikazuju se i uspoređuju pravni okviri u različitim europskim zemljama. Je li izlaznost na lokalnoj razini mala te smanjuje li se i dalje? Tko je uključen, a tko isključen? U empirijskom dijelu rad se uglavnom koristi analizama najnovijih podataka dobivenih iz komparativnih anketa poput World Value Survey (WVS).
Referendum je najvažnija institucija neposredne demokratije u pravnom i političkom sistemu Republike Srbije. Autor je analizirao ovu instituciju de iure i de facto, s ciljem otkrivanja odgovora na sledeća pitanja: Da li je razvijena praksa neposredne demokratije? Da li je referendum korišćen kao sredstvo demokratije ili legitimacije političkih elita? Da li su i u kojoj meri ispunjene pretpostavke za efikasno funkcionisanje institucija neposredne demokratije? Prethodno su određeni pojam, vrste i značaj referenduma. Kompleksna priroda ove institucije prepoznaje se u njenoj ulozi. Referendum omogućava direktno učešće građana u vršenju vlasti, ali može biti zloupotrebljen i u nedemokratske svrhe. Analizom su obuhvaćeni svi republički referendumi održani od 1990. godine. Objašnjena su njihova obeležja, od nedostataka u ustavnim i zakonskim odredbama i procesnim pravilima do sumnje u verodostojne rezultate i posledice, po pravilu, iskazane i kroz nepoštovanje izražene narodne volje. Zbog toga, u većini slučajeva, održani referendumi su, po svom karakteru, bliži plebiscitu. Značaj ovog istraživanja je u tome što je bilans referenduma pokazatelj stanja demokratije, vladavine prava i podele vlasti. Da bi referendum ostvario svoju misiju, moraju se ispuniti pretpostavke, kao što su: poštovanje ljudskih prava, podizanje građanskog aktivizma i razvoj političke kulture. U suprotnom, opasnost je da se referendum preobrazi u oruđe protiv demokratije.
Hrvatski ustav promijenjen je 2010. godine kako bi se snizili uvjeti za provedbu neposredne demokracije na nacionalnoj razini, te na taj način spasio referendum o članstvu Hrvatske u Europskoj uniji od vjerojatnog neuspjeha. Od tada je u Hrvatskoj došlo do naglog uspona građanskih inicijativa putem kojih je zaustavljana provedba nekoliko vladinih reformskih prijedloga. Stoga se može reći da je u Hrvatskoj recentna privlačnost neposredne demokracije stvorila novo okružje za djelovanje predstavničke demokracije. Počevši od teorijskih razmišljanja, ovaj članak analizira praksu neposredne demokracije u odabranim tranzicijskim zemljama, koja bi mogla biti poučna za Hrvatsku. Središnji dio članka razmatra prepreke na putu prema učinkovitoj provedbi neposredne demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; In 2010 the Croatian Constitution was changed to lower the requirements for the implementation of direct democracy at the national level, in order to save the referendum on Croatia's EU membership from possible failure. Since then, Croatia has witnessed a sharp increase in people's initiatives that have managed to block a number of the government's reform proposals. Therefore, the newly discovered appeal of direct democracy in Croatia has created a new environment for the operation of its representative democracy. Starting from theoretical notions, this paper analyses the practice of direct democracy in selected transitional countries, which could be instructive for Croatia. In its central part, the paper explores the obstacle that stand in the way of the efficient implementation of direct democracy in Croatia.
Maģistra darba "Pašvaldības referendumu problemātika Latvijā" mērķis ir izvērtēt pašvaldību referendumu ieviešanas iespējas un sniegt priekšlikumus tiešās demokrātijas attīstībai Latvijā. Maģistra darba ietvaros tiek pētīta tiešās demokrātijas vēsturiskā attīstība; citu valstu pieredze pašvaldības referendumu organizēšanā; analizēts likumprojekts "Vietējo pašvaldību referendumu likums" un tā virzība; apzināta problemātiku, kas pastāv Latvijā attiecībā uz pašvaldību referendumu jautājumu, noskaidrojot iesaistīto interešu grupu motivāciju likumprojekta par pašvaldību referendumiem virzīšanai un to, kādēļ, neraugoties uz to, ka likumprojekts ilglaicīgi bijis politiskajā dienas kārtībā, tas joprojām nav pieņemts. Darba rezultātā izvērtētas problēmas, kas kavē likumprojekta virzību Latvijā un formulēti priekšlikumi likumprojekta tālākai izstrādei. Atslēgvārdi: pašvaldību referendumi, tiešā demokrātija, "Vietējo pašvaldību referendumu likums". ; The aim of this Master's thesis entitled "The Issues of Municipal Referendums in Latvia" is to assess the prospect of introducing municipal referendums and offer proposals for the development of direct democracy in Latvia. This Master's thesis looks at the historical development of direct democracy; the situation and experience of other countries in the organization of municipal referendums; the draft bill of municipal referendums in Latvia and its progress is analyzed; issues of the municipal referendums in Latvia is deliberated by determining the motivation of guiding the draft bill on municipal referendums of interest groups concerned and why, despite the fact that the bill has been a long-term political agenda, it is still not passed in to law. As a result of the thesis problems that hinder the progress of the bill in Latvia and proposals for further development of the bill are formulated. Key words: municipal referendums, direct democracy, the bill of local municipality referendums.
The authors examine possibility of direct democracy revival in contemporary environment. Based upon thought that performance of sovereign power should not be placed too far from the people as the real holder of sovereignty, they foster idea of a wider use of institutions typical for direct democracy. They suggest that it might be the first step towards revitalization of ancient Athenian type of democracy in new circumstances. Along with the fast technological development and expansion of new information technologies, technical limitations are not a vast obstacle anymore in establishing something what could be qualified as an 'electronic agora'. Electronic popular initiatives and electronic referendums could be become quick, efficient and inexpensive modes in acquiring social consensus upon the most important legal and political issues. The authors hold that a kind of Rousseau's social contract could have a chance to be realized in a cyber space, through a kind of cyber ecclesia. ; Autori u radu razmatraju mogućnost ponovnog oživljavanja neposredne demokratije u savremenim uslovima. Polazeći od ideje da se vršenje suverene vlasti ne sme suviše udaljiti od naroda kao stvarnog nosioca suverenosti, autori se zalažu za širu upotrebu institucija neposredne demokratije, što bi moglo predstavljati samo prvi korak ka revitalizaciji neposredne antičke demokratije atinskog tipa, ali u drugačijim okolnostima. Uz ubrzani tehnološki razvoj i napredovanje informacionih tehnologija, tehnička ograničenja ne predstavljaju više veliku prepreku uspostavljanju onoga što se može nazvati 'elektronska agora'. Elektronske narodne inicijative i elektronski referendumi bi mogli postati brz, efikasan i jeftin način postizanja društvenog konsensusa oko najvažnijih pravnih i politički pitanja. Autori stoje na stanovištu da bi jedan oblik Rusoovog društvenog ugovora danas možda mogao zaživeti u sajber prostoru, u nekoj vrsti sajber eklezije.
Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. ; Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens' competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens' will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk's (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter's. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.
Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.
