Die sogenannten Hartz-Reformen beinhalten eine Umstrukturierung und Reorganisation der Tätigkeit der Bundesagentur für Arbeit und eine Reform von Instrumenten der Arbeitsmarktpolitik. Trotz der seinerzeitigen Skepsis führender Ökonomen stellen diese Reformen einen bedeutenden Fortschritt in der Arbeitsmarktpolitik dar. Dieser Beitrag beschreibt zunächst die Arbeitsmarktentwicklung und die Arbeitsmarktprobleme in Deutschland. Vor diesem Hintergrund erfolgt eine Analyse und Bewertung der Reform von Instrumenten der Arbeitsmarktpolitik im Rahmen der Hartz-Reformen. Abschließend diskutiert der Beitrag einige Politikempfehlungen und weist auf wichtige ungelöste Probleme hin. Hierbei ist die Wichtigkeit der empirischen Evaluation der Wirkungen der Hartz-Reformen zu betonen. Diese Evaluation sollte im Sinne eines dauerhaften Monitorings fortgeführt werden.
Die sogenannten Hartz-Reformen beinhalten eine Umstrukturierung und Reorganisation der Tätigkeit der Bundesagentur für Arbeit und eine Reform von Instrumenten der Arbeitsmarktpolitik. Trotz der seinerzeitigen Skepsis führender Ökonomen stellen diese Reformen einen bedeutenden Fortschritt in der Arbeitsmarktpolitik dar. Dieser Beitrag beschreibt zunächst die Arbeitsmarktentwicklung und die Arbeitsmarktprobleme in Deutschland. Vor diesem Hintergrund erfolgt eine Analyse und Bewertung der Reform von Instrumenten der Arbeitsmarktpolitik im Rahmen der Hartz-Reformen. Abschließend diskutiert der Beitrag einige Politikempfehlungen und weist auf wichtige ungelöste Probleme hin. Hierbei ist die Wichtigkeit der empirischen Evaluation der Wirkungen der Hartz-Reformen zu betonen. Diese Evaluation sollte im Sinne eines dauerhaften Monitorings fortgef¨uhrt werden.
Die Wirkungen der Hartz-IV-Reform von Arbeitslosen- und Sozialhilfe werden derzeit in Politik und Wissenschaft diskutiert. Ist es durch die Ausgestaltung des Sozialgesetzbuches II zu einer Kostenexplosion gekommen? Führte das Gesetz zu einem Lohnrutsch nach unten? Ist Hartz IV ein Kombilohnmodell? Sind weitere Reformen erforderlich und welche Optionen gibt es dabei?
This paper analyzes reforms and counter-reforms in Bolivia in recent decades and their effects on the policymaking process (PMP) and productivity. Bolivia's PMP has shifted from a formal representative democracy to a "participative and direct type of democracy" where street protest and other non-conventional forms of political participation have become dominant. While reforms have increased productivity, they have failed to secure the political support necessary to assure long-term sustainability. In contrast, counter-reforms have so far enjoyed extensive political support, but productivity has stagnated since this process started, with declining economic growth and job creation—developments likely to undermine support for the counter-reform process. The document stresses the need to rebuild a consensus around a PMP capable of increasing productivity and employment creation while restoring social cohesion.
"Budget Reform and Political Reform" examines the political nature of the budget process, including the interplay between the agents in the budget exercise, and considers the difficulties and opportunities that the politicization of the budget process provides for conducting meaningful fiscal reform.
Das Gesetz zur Änderung des Vormundschafts- und Betreuungsrechts ist am 14. April 2011 vom Deutschen Bundestag beschlossen worden; der Bundesrat hat am 25.05.2011 zugestimmt. Dieses Gesetz trat – mit einigen Ausnahmen, die erst ein Jahr nach der Verkündung des Gesetzes in Kraft treten – am 6.7.2011 in Kraft. Der Schwerpunkt dieses Beitrags soll nicht bei den durch diese Reform bereits erfolgten bzw. demnächst in Kraft tretenden Änderungen und den sich bereits abzeichnenden Schwierigkeiten seiner Umsetzung liegen, vielmehr soll es um die Ziele und Grundsätze einer noch weitergehenden Reform (zweite Stufe) gehen, die die Rechtspolitik im Rahmen der Verabschiedung dieses Gesetzes für erforderlich gehalten und bereits in Aussicht gestellt hat (zweite Stufe). Dennoch sollen zunächst die Essentials dieses ersten wichtigen und richtigen Reformschritts nochmals in Stichworten am Anfang dieses Beitrags stehen. Dieses Gesetz wurde auch schon als "Amtsvormundschaftsverbesserungsgesetz" und als Minimalkompromiss apostrophiert, was angesichts der Fokussierung dieses ersten Reformschrittes nicht überrascht.
Michael Lobban shows how dissatisfaction with the law-equity split in English civil justice predated the Judicature Act reforms by two generations at least (one could argue two-and-a half centuries or more—periodization fails quickly). Lobban links the first modern debates over fusion to high legal politics on the one hand and to the more intricate internal problems of evidence, procedure, and jurisdiction on the other. Lawyers of the earlier Victorian age found the Chancery system bequeathed to them by Lord Eldon to be intolerable on two counts: it represented Old Corruption or monopolistic private control of public offices and it exacted heavy costs in procedural inconvenience, cost, and delay. Lobban does not see ideology such as Benthamite philosophy driving the rationalization of Chancery doctrine and institutions though he does not dismiss this factor entirely.
Alain C. Enthoven's paper, To Reform Medicare, Reform Incentives And Organization, explains how the principles of cost-responsible consumer choice among competing health-insurance plans, sometimes called "managed competition," can both improve quality and reduce cost in the federal government's Medicare program.
Zur Vorbereitung des Jahresgutachtens 2017/18 des Sachverständigenrats zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung wurde das IAB um seine Expertise zur Diskussion über weitere Korrekturen der Agenda 2010 gebeten. Das IAB äußerte sich im Herbst 2017 zu den Effekten der Hartz-Reformen und zu möglichen weiteren politischen Maßnahmen am Arbeitsmarkt, betrachtete die Effekte mit dem Alter steigender Anspruchsdauern des Arbeitslosengeldes und die Auswirkungen der Reform der Bezugsdauer für ältere Arbeitslose ab 45 Jahren von 2006 und ging auf die am 1. April 2017 in Kraft getretenen gesetzlichen Änderungen zu Zeitarbeit und Werkverträgen ein. Die Erkenntnisse hierzu werden in der vorliegenden Stellungnahme zusammengefasst. ; In preparation for the Annual Report 2017/18 of the German Council of Economic Experts, the IAB was asked to provide its expertise on the discussion about further corrections to Agenda 2010. The IAB commented in Autumn 2017 on the effects of the Hartz reforms and on possible further political measures in the labour market; looked at the effects of the length of entitlement to unemployment benefit that increases with age and the effects of the reform of the length of drawing benefits for the older unemployed as of 45 years of 2006; and elaborated on the legal changes to temporary agency work and service contracts which came into effect on 1 April 2017. The findings are summarised in this current Statement.
Varma proposes electoral and political reforms to reserve politics only to perfectionists who intend to dedicate their whole time and energy to serve the people of the country round the clock. It is imperative to consider these new political and electoral reforms for better, healthy and improved democracy to remove corruption, inequalities, unemployment and mis-governance. Varma's political and electoral reforms are aimed at empowering under privileged, working class, rural and urban areas. Salient features of these new political reforms 1] Full time representation 2] Fixed time table for assembly and parliament sessions 3] Compulsory attendance in parliament and assemblies 4] Compulsory attendance in constituencies. This record was migrated from the OpenDepot repository service in June, 2017 before shutting down.
No. 1-12 reissued with: "Address to the Council of the Liverpool Financial Reform Association to the tax-payers of the United Kingdom . March 5, 1849" and "Petition to Parliament" (London : Standard of Freedom Office, 1849) under publisher's cover title: Financial reform tracts, part I. ; Issued as fascicles, each with a distinctive title. ; 1. Civil list--2. Pension list--3. Taxation--4-5. The army, ordnance, commissariat, navy, colonies--6. National budget for 1849 / Richard Codden--7. The army, ordnance, commissariat, navy, colonies--8. The woods, forests, and estates of the Crown--9. The dead weight of the army--10. The navy--11-12. Speech on colonial expenditure and government / Wm. Molesworth. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Journal of: The Liverpool Financial Reform Association.
Citation: Dougherty, Bradford. Municipal reform. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1896. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduction: The subject of municipal reform is one of world wide interest at the present time. All over this and foreign countries in all cities and especially the larger ones, there is some movement on foot for the bettering of the public affairs in the city. It seems to be a time of moral awakening when many of the forces are putting their best efforts forth for the advancement of right in political affairs.
This thesis studies three major reforms in the public sector of Norway. The sectors studied are the police, higher education, and primary schools. The main motive for studying these reforms are of a theoretical nature, the reason to study them is to produce general knowledge about reforms. The study aims to answer two main questions. One is about the possibilities and limitations contained in using reforms to change organizations. The second is about how organizations can promote the ideals of representative democracy. In its efforts to attain answers to these questions the thesis blends empirically-oriented research with aspects of organization theory and political theory. The thesis is divided into four different parts. First, there is a descriptive presentation of the three reforms. Secondly, there is a discussion of various theories of reforms and organizations. The primary aim of this analysis is to illuminate and explain the empirical data, but this discussion should also provide its own answers to the main questions asked in the thesis. Thirdly, these theories are applied to analyze data from the three reforms. And finally, the study concludes with a summary of what general insights about the reforms we are left with after studying the Quality Reform, The Police Reform 2000, and the Knowledge Reform. The study shows that reforms have both policy and content aspects, and that it is important to distinguish between the two in order to analyse and understand them. The policy aspect is that reforms are a strategy for change - they are tools for implementing change in organizations. The content aspect is that reforms have a specific content - they have certain objectives that they want to realize. The study concludes that in order to understand this complex and fascinating phenomenon, we need to understand reforms both as instrumental tools, institutional adaptations and symbols.
The has labelled the Senate a ' house of obstruction' and has called for reform of section 57 of the Constitution, which governs how deadlocks between the two Houses of Parliament are resolved. On 8 October 2003, the Howard Government released a discussion paper on resolving deadlocks. The paper canvasses two options for reform that would replace the current double dissolution mechanism: (1) allows for a joint sitting of both Houses of Parliament without the need for an election if the Senate twice rejects or fails to pass legislation that has been passed by the House of Representatives, (2) allows for a joint sitting after a general election for any legislation that was not passed during the life of the previous Parliament. Neither of these proposals for reform actually relate to reforming the powers of the Senate, instead both are designed to increase the power of the Government to have legislation implemented without Senate approval by increasing the opportunity for joint sittings of Parliament. Government legislation would usually be passed at a joint sitting because the House of Representatives is twice the size of the Senate, so the Government majority would prevail. There has been a negative response in the media to these reform proposals. It is arguable that the motivation behind the release of the Government's discussion paper at this time is to gain political advantage at the next election by putting the issue of Senate obstructionism, committed by the Opposition and minor parties, on the political agenda, rather than a passionate commitment to Senate reform. The response of the Australian Labor Party to the Government's proposal is critical because Labor is traditionally the party committed to constitutional reform, while the Coalition parties are constitutionally conservative. There would be negative implications if Labor simply agreed with the Government's proposal as Labor would be aligned with moves by the major parties to increase the power of the Executive, but totally opposing constitutional reform would contradict one of Labor's principles. The reforms outlined in Labor's discussion paper represent a compromise, while the discussion paper accepts the need for constitutional reform, it argues that reform must go further than that proposed by the Government. There are three elements of Labor's proposed amendment to section 57: (I) a joint sitting after an election, (2) the introduction of fixed four year terms for both Houses of Parliament, and (3) the removal of the power to block supply. The option of a joint sitting and fixed four-year terms is arguably an improvement on the current system because it allows the electorate to vote on the deadlocked issue, whilst removing the power of the Government to call elections at a convenient time. This change is also a positive improvement to the system of government because there would be simultaneous elections for both Houses of Parliament, which means the whole Parliament voting at a joint sitting would represent the most recent opinion of the electorate. The inclusion of element (3) , the removal of the power to block supply, is arguably not necessary on the basis that it is not relevant to the current debate , and the other reforms proposed by Labor effectively remove the power to block supply for the purposes of causing an early election. These reform proposals have received support from the Clerk of the Senate, Harry Evans; Professor George Williams, and former Labor Attorney-General, Michael Lavarch. The minor parties have responded critically to any proposal to reform the Senate, which is understandable given the current arrangements are favourable to the minor parties in the Senate. The electoral system in the Senate allows for wide representation of the minor parties, and they often hold the balance of power over contentious legislation when the major parties disagree. The minor parties have responded to the debate on Senate reform by arguing that it is the House of Representatives that is in need of reform, not the Senate. Any change to the Constitution must be passed at a referendum , and the chance of succeeding at a referendum is reduced if there is a lack of bipartisan support. Only eight out of forty four referendums have succeeded to date, and only one of those has been related to changing the operation of an institution of government. It is unlikely that bipartisan support will be achieved on this issue, given the conflicting positions of the political parties . However, if bipartisan support was achieved, it is unlikely that the referendum would succeed given the low success rate of referendums, and the fact that the different balances of power in the two Houses of Parliament indicate that the electorate values the current role played by the non-Government controlled Senate as a check on Executive power.
Die Kosten für die Bundeswehr entsprechen 2011 zwei Dritteln der Nettoneuverschuldung des Bundes: 32,1 Mrd. Euro. Unklar aber bleibt, wozu diese Armee notwendig ist. Mit der Strukturreform erhält Deutschland die Chance, die Existenz der Bundeswehr nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges sicherheitspolitisch neu zu begründen. Bislang wurde die Reform jedoch vor allem vom Sparzwang diktiert. Transparent sind weder die Kriterien für die Festlegung der Mannstärke auf etwa 185 000 noch für die Bezifferung des Sparvolumens auf 8,4 Mrd. Euro bis 2015. Am Ende eines solchen Reformkurses könnte Deutschland mit einer billigeren Armee dastehen, die aber den gegenwärtigen und zukünftigen sicherheitspolitischen Herausforderungen im Einsatz wie im Heimatland immer noch nicht gewachsen ist. Um das zu verhindern, muss die Reform die Bundeswehr in ein gesamtstaatliches Sicherheitskonzept einbinden, dessen Prioritäten für Gesellschaft, Politik und internationale Partner verständlich sind. Zudem muss die Armee militärisch effektiver und ökonomisch angemessener ausgestattet werden
