Suchergebnisse

The rising power of regions seems obvious in academic literature in France and abroad. What is the contribution of emerging issues such as environment to this shift? Is there such an increasing power of regions in the climate, air, and energy field? If so, how does it happen? To answer these questions, this doctoral thesis focuses on the changing role of the Île-de-France regional council in climate, air and energy policies since the 90's. The study highlights an increase in power of the Île-de-France Region (also known as « Paris Region ») to address climate, air, and energy issues. This Region has taken a major position among all stakeholders. This observation has been made possible through a combination of a law and political sciences approaches. It allowed to study the actors, their relationships, their area of competence, their constraints, their means, and the way they use it. We studied in this doctoral thesis the jurisdiction of the Île-de-France regional council, its human and financial resources, its positioning regarding other actors in the region, and the way the regional council uses legal rules. Two schemes seem to be essential to understand the increasingly central position of the Île-de-France regional council on climate, air, and energy questions: first, the climate, air, and energy regional plan (schéma régional du climat, de l'air et de l'énergie) and then the chef de file (which could be translate by "leadership role") of regional councils. ; La « montée en puissance des Régions » semble aujourd'hui une évidence dans nombre de travaux universitaires, en France comme à l'étranger. Dans quelle mesure l'apparition de nouveaux enjeux comme l'environnement participe-t-elle à ce mouvement ? Cette montée en puissance s'observe-t-elle dans le domaine des politiques climatiques, énergétiques et de qualité de l'air en France ? Si tel est le cas, comment se traduit-elle ? Pour répondre à ces questions, la présente thèse étudie les évolutions du rôle de la Région Île-de-France en matière de politiques énergétiques, climatiques et de qualité de l'air des années 1990 à aujourd'hui. Il est mis en lumière un mouvement de montée en puissance de cette Région sur les questions climat-air-énergie, processus qui se traduit par une place de plus en plus centrale de cette collectivité dans le système d'acteurs intervenant en la matière. Le constat de ce « gain de centralité » de la Région Île-de-France a été permis par une combinaison d'approches relevant du droit et de la science politique. Croiser les apports de ces disciplines a contribué à appréhender à la fois les acteurs en présence, leurs relations, leurs compétences, les contraintes et ressources dont ils disposent, et les usages faits de ces dernières. Sont explorés dans cette thèse les compétences de la Région Île-de-France, ses moyens financiers et humains, son positionnement vis-à-vis des autres acteurs franciliens et son usage des normes juridiques. Deux outils des politiques climat-air-énergie régionales apparaissent comme essentiels dans le positionnement central de la Région : le schéma régional du climat, de l'air et de l'énergie (SRCAE), d'une part, présenté comme le vecteur d'une approche intégrée, et le chef de filât des Régions en matière de climat, d'air et d'énergie, d'autre part. La logique qui préside à ses outils et les usages qui en sont faits permettent d'avancer l'idée d'une Région Île-de-France de plus en plus au centre du jeu sur les enjeux de climat, d'air et d'énergie.

The rising power of regions seems obvious in academic literature in France and abroad. What is the contribution of emerging issues such as environment to this shift? Is there such an increasing power of regions in the climate, air, and energy field? If so, how does it happen? To answer these questions, this doctoral thesis focuses on the changing role of the Île-de-France regional council in climate, air and energy policies since the 90's. The study highlights an increase in power of the Île-de-France Region (also known as « Paris Region ») to address climate, air, and energy issues. This Region has taken a major position among all stakeholders. This observation has been made possible through a combination of a law and political sciences approaches. It allowed to study the actors, their relationships, their area of competence, their constraints, their means, and the way they use it. We studied in this doctoral thesis the jurisdiction of the Île-de-France regional council, its human and financial resources, its positioning regarding other actors in the region, and the way the regional council uses legal rules. Two schemes seem to be essential to understand the increasingly central position of the Île-de-France regional council on climate, air, and energy questions: first, the climate, air, and energy regional plan (schéma régional du climat, de l'air et de l'énergie) and then the chef de file (which could be translate by "leadership role") of regional councils. ; La « montée en puissance des Régions » semble aujourd'hui une évidence dans nombre de travaux universitaires, en France comme à l'étranger. Dans quelle mesure l'apparition de nouveaux enjeux comme l'environnement participe-t-elle à ce mouvement ? Cette montée en puissance s'observe-t-elle dans le domaine des politiques climatiques, énergétiques et de qualité de l'air en France ? Si tel est le cas, comment se traduit-elle ? Pour répondre à ces questions, la présente thèse étudie les évolutions du rôle de la Région Île-de-France en matière de politiques énergétiques, climatiques et de qualité de l'air des années 1990 à aujourd'hui. Il est mis en lumière un mouvement de montée en puissance de cette Région sur les questions climat-air-énergie, processus qui se traduit par une place de plus en plus centrale de cette collectivité dans le système d'acteurs intervenant en la matière. Le constat de ce « gain de centralité » de la Région Île-de-France a été permis par une combinaison d'approches relevant du droit et de la science politique. Croiser les apports de ces disciplines a contribué à appréhender à la fois les acteurs en présence, leurs relations, leurs compétences, les contraintes et ressources dont ils disposent, et les usages faits de ces dernières. Sont explorés dans cette thèse les compétences de la Région Île-de-France, ses moyens financiers et humains, son positionnement vis-à-vis des autres acteurs franciliens et son usage des normes juridiques. Deux outils des politiques climat-air-énergie régionales apparaissent comme essentiels dans le positionnement central de la Région : le schéma régional du climat, de l'air et de l'énergie (SRCAE), d'une part, présenté comme le vecteur d'une approche intégrée, et le chef de filât des Régions en matière de climat, d'air et d'énergie, d'autre part. La logique qui préside à ses outils et les usages qui en sont faits permettent d'avancer l'idée d'une Région Île-de-France de plus en plus au centre du jeu sur les enjeux de climat, d'air et d'énergie.

The region has the authority to manage and regulate its territory independently based on the mandate of Article 18 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. One such authority is to manage natural resources in this case conducting coal mining. The management of coal mining under the Minerba Act places the district/city government in authority in its management. Meanwhile, the Local Government Law places the provincial government also in possession of this management authority. This gave birth to the dualism of regulation in terms of the authority to manage coal, giving rise to a contradiction between one rule and another. The problem in this study is First, how is the condition of coal mining management by local governments in the perspective of regional autonomy? Second, what are the implications of the current coal mining arrangements by the regional government? The results of the study showed that coal mining authority from the district/municipal government under the Minerba Act then was transferred to the provincial government based on the Regional Government Law was reasonable because of various problems that arose from the authority of the district/city government. However, this fact puts the authority of coal mining management in dualism and disharmony in its regulation. This dualism has implications for the disruption of the pattern of authority relations between the central and regional governments, financial management between the central and regional governments, and the division of supervisory authorities between the central and regional governments.

This book debates the nature and functions of authority: it examines how far our inherited images of authority derive from an aristocratic and traditional order and considers which models of authority are still relevant in a democratic and rationalist society. It discusses the characteristics of the authority relationship, whether political authority differs from other kinds of authority, how authority relates to power and whether authority should be distinguished from the concept of legitimate rule. The latter part of the book explores the relevance or irrelevance of authorit.

Ten bills proposing the establishment of "valley authorities" comparable in some degree to the Tennessee Valley Authority are now before the Seventy-ninth Congress, and it is likely that others of the sort will be introduced in this Congress or later ones. Whether any will be adopted during the present session is problematical, but it seems almost a certainty that within a few years the regional authority idea which has received so much publicity as a result of the success of the TVA will be given further impetus by the enactment of additional valley authority laws. The end of the war and the consequent search for opportunities to cushion the shock of reconversion lend weight to this view.Since the debate over valley authorities seems in no danger of ending immediately, it should be fruitful to analyze the contents of the pending bills, to compare them with the act establishing the TVA, and to point out some of the issues involved. No attempt will be made to appraise the bills or to indicate conclusions as to their worth or lack of worth.The chief issues are, of course, whether any more valley authorities shall be established, and, if so, where. The range of thought on these issues is underlined by the diversity of the proposals. Two of the bills which are identical—S. 555 and H. R. 2203—provide for the establishment of a Missouri Valley Authority. Four more—S. 460, H. R. 2923, and two more identical bills, S. 1716 and H. R. 5083—would set up a Columbia River Authority. H. R. 2540 would establish an Ohio Valley Authority, and S. 737 would provide a Savannah Valley Authority. H. R. 1824, titled "The Conservation Authorities Act," would apportion the entire country among nine "conservation authorities" by enlarging the area over which the TVA has jurisdiction and by setting up eight new authorities—an Atlantic Seaboard Authority, a Great Lakes-Ohio Valley Authority, and Missouri Valley, Arkansas Valley, Southwestern, Columbia, California, and Colorado Authorities. A tenth bill, formulated by the Department of the Interior, and presented to the Congress at hearings before the Senate Commerce Committee, would establish a Missouri Valley Authority and would facilitate the establishment of other regional authorities.

Most political systems consist of multiple layers. While this fact is widely acknowledged, we know surprisingly little about its implications for policy-making. Most comparative studies still focus exclusively on the national level. We posit that both methodological nationalism and methodological subnationalism should be avoided. We argue instead that in multilevel systems national and subnational governments jointly affect policy-making. Their respective influence is, however, conditional on the distribution of policy authority. Moreover, we identify power asymmetries, as subnational governments hardly affect policy-making in centralized systems whereas national governments shape subnational policy-making even in decentralized polities. Empirically, we study the case of education policy. Novel data on regional education spending, regional and national governments' ideology, and regional authority over education in 282 regions in 15 countries over 21 years reveals strong support for the interplay between ideology and the distribution of authority across levels. We conclude by sketching a resulting research agenda.

Principally, a regional government represents the extended hands of the central government in controlling a regional area. Regional governments are not supposed to run activities not congruent with the policies set by the central government. However, regional governments are often found in contravention of the policies of the central government. This research maps what causes this contravention and the reasons for reinforcing the authority of the central government regarding its connection with regional governments. This research employed normative-juridical methods, statutory, conceptual, and case approaches, revealing that this noncompliance with the central government is sparked by the conditions where a regional head is elected by the members of the public, the president has no right to eject a regional head from his/her tenure, and a regional head is fully authorized to run a regional area, including the regional budgeting. The design of the reinforcement of the authority of the authority of the central government over regional governments is required based on the principle of the unitary state and to guarantee the harmonious policies set by those the regional governments and central government. This design may involve the policy of the central government to take over the governance of regional areas following the deadlock, permit issuance, and the authority of the central government to impose sanctions on regional heads.

The Regional Representative Council (DPD) as a regional representative institution is located as a state institution. The existence of the DPD reflects the principle of territorial or regional representation (regional representation). Therefore, as a representative institution, the DPD should ideally have the legislative, supervisory and budgetary functions as well as the House of Representatives (DPR). However, the DPD as a representative institution with these three functions actually has a very weak and soft function. The two chambers of the House of Representatives (DPR and DPD) do not have balanced authority. DPD and DPR are two rooms (houses, chambers) whose authority is not balanced, because it is classified as soft bicameral.

in this study conducted a study of the ratio legis regulation of the authority of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPD RI) in Supervision of Draft Regional Regulations and Regional Regulations contained in Article 249 paragraph (1) letter j of Law Number 2 of 2018 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 17 of 2014 concerning Regional People's Consultative Assembly, People's Representative Council, Regional Representative Council, and Regional People's Representative Council (MD3 Law). This research is normative legal research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of this study are the legislative authority ratio of the DPD RI in supervising the draft of regional regulations and regional regulations to strengthen the function of the DPD RI within the framework of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia, especially in maintaining the harmonization of regulations at the central level with regulations at the regional level in the form of draft regional regulations and regional regulations.

International Court Authority challenges fundamental preconceptions about when, why, and how international courts become important and authoritative actors in national, regional and international politics. Examining global and regional bodies, this volume investigates how political and social contexts shape the authority of international courts.

AbstractSecond‐order election research clearly reveals that national incumbency impacts on European election outcomes but despite the increasing importance of regions few studies explore the impact of regional politics. I theorize that governmental status at the regional level, regional authority, and the relative timing of the regional election affects vote share swings between European and previously held national elections. Based on an analysis including 12,545 vote share swings for 468 parties that compete elections held in 209 regions in 11 European Union member states since 1979, I find strong evidence for prospective regional voting, that is, voters rewarding parties in government at the regional level. First, parties that are in national opposition and in regional government incur larger vote share gains than parties that are in opposition at both levels. Second, these vote share gains become larger when regional authority increases and, third, when a regional election has preceded a European election.

This study intends to examine the authority of local governments to regulate regional policies on tourism development master plan. This paper examines the legal issues related to the basis of the authority from philosophical, sociological, and juridical aspects of the formation of policies regarding tourism development plans. This paper focuses on the target, scope, content, and direction of Regional Regulations concerning tourism development plans to establish legislation and prioritizing aspects of the tourism industry, marketing destinations, and culture of Bali Tourism. It is a legal research that uses statutory, philosophical, theoretical, and conceptual approaches. The research resulted that the basis of authority for delegation of formation arrangements is regulated in the Law concerning Tourism, Government Regulation, and Regional Government Law related to the Master Plan of National Tourism Development. The basis of regional government authority in setting these policies is the enactment of local regulations of Bali Province, Badung Regency, Jembrana Regency, and Denpasar City concerning regional tourism development master plan. However, the mandatory obligations for regional government in determining tourism development master plan have not immediately been taken effect by the other regency governments in Bali Province.

Most political systems consist of multiple layers. While this fact is widely acknowledged, we know surprisingly little about its implications for policy-making. Most comparative studies still focus exclusively on the national level. We posit that both "methodological nationalism" and "methodological subnationalism" should be avoided. We argue instead that in multilevel systems national and subnational governments jointly affect policy-making. Their respective influence is, however, conditional on the distribution of policy authority. Moreover, we identify power asymmetries, as subnational governments hardly affect policy-making in centralized systems whereas national governments shape subnational policy-making even in decentralized polities. Empirically, we study the case of education policy. Novel data on regional education spending, regional and national governments' ideology, and regional authority over education in 282 regions in 15 countries over 21 years reveals strong support for the interplay between ideology and the distribution of authority across levels. We conclude by sketching a resulting research agenda.

Most political systems consist of multiple layers. While this fact is widely acknowledged, we know surprisingly little about its implications for policy-making. Most comparative studies still focus exclusively on the national level. We posit that both "methodological nationalism" and "methodological subnationalism" should be avoided. We argue instead that in multilevel systems national and subnational governments jointly affect policy-making. Their respective influence is, however, conditional on the distribution of policy authority. Moreover, we identify power asymmetries, as subnational governments hardly affect policy-making in centralized systems whereas national governments shape subnational policy-making even in decentralized polities. Empirically, we study the case of education policy. Novel data on regional education spending, regional and national governments' ideology, and regional authority over education in 282 regions in 15 countries over 21 years reveals strong support for the interplay between ideology and the distribution of authority across levels. We conclude by sketching a resulting research agenda.