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The First Delimitation Commission was established on 3 September, 1990 and was, in terms of its Proclamation, given nine months to complete its task and to deliver its report to the President of Namibia. The terms of reference were among other things to determine the boundaries of the regions and, subject to the provisions of Article 102 (4) of the Namibian Constitution, the boundaries of Local Authorities, into which Namibia is to be divided for the purposes of holding Local Authority and Regional Council elections. (DÜI-Hff)

Die 'Bedrohung aus dem Süden' ist ein Topos im außen- und innenpolitischen Diskurs Rußlands und wird mit 'islamischer Gefahr' assoziiert. Im Sommer 1998 erfuhr diese Bedrohungs- perzeption besondere Unterstützung. Im Nordkaukasus und in Afghanistan kam es mit der Zuspitzung innenpolitischer Machtkämpfe in Tschetschenien und dem erneuten, diesmal erfolgreichen Vorstoß der Taliban nach Nordafghanistan zu Entwicklungen, die in Moskau Alarm auslösten. Kaukasische und zentralasiatische Schauplätze waren schon vorher zusammengebracht worden, zum Beispiel als Rußland, Usbekistan und Tadschikistan im Mai 1998 eine engere sicherheitspolitische Kooperation zwecks 'Abwehr des islamischen Fundamentalismus in Mittelasien und im Nordkaukasus' vereinbart hatten. Im ersten Teil der vorliegenden Analyse wird dargestellt, wie weit die Regierungsgewalt Rußlands über sein eigenes staatliches Hoheitsgebiet im Süden, nämlich im Nordkaukasus, bereits erodiert ist. (BIOst-Dok)

The subject of this study is the criminal prosecution of insulting remarks about the emperor in the Habsburg monarchy in the second half of the 19th century (1852-1918). The first chapter discusses the historical development of the protection of state and sovereign through penal law that resulted in the penal code of 1852. Then the norms on the protection of state and dynasty in this penal code and the settings of the criminal proceedings code are discussed. As lese majesty was a politically disputed matter, also the discussion on the planed reform of the penal code is given the necessary attention.The main part of the book examines which insulting remarks on Francis Joseph were in fact prosecuted by the Regional Court Salzburg. Special attention is paid to the question what motivated the defendants to insult the emperor and what conclusions can be drawn from their remarks regarding the relation between authority and subjects. In this context is also analyzed how the authorities got to know about the insulting remarks, which sentences where imposed by the Regional Court and from which factors the sentences where influenced. Also the social composition of the offenders is analyzed. On the basis of criminal statistics the study investigates, which social and political factors influenced the numbers of convictions for lese majesty. It can be demonstrated, how political and economic developments influenced public opinion and how on the other side the provision on lese majesty could be exploited to suppress political opposition. The last chapter is dedicated to the suppression of critical comments on the emperor and the dynasty in newspapers and other products of the press. Based on a description of the legal framework, the study analyzes how censorship was operated by the authorities in the crown-land Salzburg. The book shows which comments in newspapers lead to confiscations and which political developments or events within the royal family gave rise to critical comments.Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von beleidigenden Äußerungen über den Monarchen in der Habsburgermonarchie der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (1852-1918). Dazu wird zunächst die historische Entwicklung des strafrechtlichen Schutzes von Staat und Herrscher dargestellt, die schließlich im Strafgesetz von 1852 ihren Abschluss fand. Sodann werden die einschlägigen Bestimmungen des Strafgesetzes von 1852 und die prozessr ...

Im Fokus der Studie steht die Frage, wie der israelisch-palästinensische Konflikt angesichts des Scheiterns von Friedensverhandlungen und der anhaltenden Besatzung des Westjordanlands Interessenlagen, Narrative und Spielräume unterschiedlicher Akteure prägt und verändert. Mit Blick auf den israelischen Diskurs, den der erste Beitrag beleuchtet, wird gezeigt, wie das Ausbleiben einer Konfliktlösung zu einer paradoxen Situation führt, in der sich Mehrheiten sowohl für eine Zweistaatenlösung als auch gegen einen palästinensischen Staat finden. Dies übersetzt sich politisch in eine zunehmende Paralyse in Bezug auf mögliche Friedensverhandlungen. Der zweite Beitrag analysiert den Umgang der palästinensischen Führungen in Ramallah und Gaza-Stadt mit der israelischen Besatzungsmacht, der sich in einem Spannungsfeld von Verhandlungen, Widerstandsrhetorik und direkter oder indirekter Kooperation bewegt. Es wird erläutert, wie die Führungen wider Willen zu Erfüllungsgehilfen der Besatzungsmacht wurden. Der dritte Beitrag zeigt auf, dass es bei dem Engagement der EU eine Diskrepanz zwischen gesetzten Zielen (Zweistaatenlösung, palästinensische Entwicklung) und erreichten Ergebnissen gibt. Er schlägt konkrete Maßnahmen vor, wie dieser Diskrepanz beizukommen ist. Der vierte Beitrag befasst sich mit der humanitären Organisation UNRWA, die unter den Bedingungen der Besatzung operiert und gegen ihren Willen Partei in der Auseinandersetzung zwischen Israelis und Palästinensern wird. Der letzte Beitrag befasst sich mit der Israel-Lobby in den USA. Er zeigt, dass die Ansichten darüber, ob die Besatzung des Westjordanlands im Interesse Israels ist, unter amerikanischen Juden zunehmend kontrovers ist und zu Spaltungen innerhalb der Lobby führt. Die Studie entstand im Rahmen des Projekts »Israel in einem konfliktreichen regionalen und globalen Umfeld: Innere Entwicklungen, Sicherheitspolitik und Außenbeziehungen«. Das Projekt ist in der SWP-Forschungsgruppe Naher / Mittlerer Osten und Afrika angesiedelt und wird vom Auswärtigen Amt gefördert.

The subject of this study is the criminal prosecution of insulting remarks about the emperor in the Habsburg monarchy in the second half of the 19th century (1852-1918). The first chapter discusses the historical development of the protection of state and sovereign through penal law that resulted in the penal code of 1852. Then the norms on the protection of state and dynasty in this penal code and the settings of the criminal proceedings code are discussed. As lese majesty was a politically disputed matter, also the discussion on the planed reform of the penal code is given the necessary attention.The main part of the book examines which insulting remarks on Francis Joseph were in fact prosecuted by the Regional Court Salzburg. Special attention is paid to the question what motivated the defendants to insult the emperor and what conclusions can be drawn from their remarks regarding the relation between authority and subjects. In this context is also analyzed how the authorities got to know about the insulting remarks, which sentences where imposed by the Regional Court and from which factors the sentences where influenced. Also the social composition of the offenders is analyzed. On the basis of criminal statistics the study investigates, which social and political factors influenced the numbers of convictions for lese majesty. It can be demonstrated, how political and economic developments influenced public opinion and how on the other side the provision on lese majesty could be exploited to suppress political opposition. The last chapter is dedicated to the suppression of critical comments on the emperor and the dynasty in newspapers and other products of the press. Based on a description of the legal framework, the study analyzes how censorship was operated by the authorities in the crown-land Salzburg. The book shows which comments in newspapers lead to confiscations and which political developments or events within the royal family gave rise to critical comments. - Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von beleidigenden Äußerungen über den Monarchen in der Habsburgermonarchie der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (1852-1918). Dazu wird zunächst die historische Entwicklung des strafrechtlichen Schutzes von Staat und Herrscher dargestellt, die schließlich im Strafgesetz von 1852 ihren Abschluss fand. Sodann werden die einschlägigen Bestimmungen des Strafgesetzes von 1852 und die prozessrechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen dargestellt. Da der Tatbestand der Majestätsbeleidigung politisch umstritten war, erfährt auch die Anfang der 1860er-Jahre einsetzende Reformdiskussion die ihr gebührende Behandlung. Aufbauend auf dieser Darstellung der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen wird im Hauptteil der Arbeit untersucht, welche Schmähungen Kaiser Franz Josephs in der Praxis des Salzburger Landesgerichts in welcher Weise geahndet wurden. Dabei wird insbesondere untersucht, wodurch die Täter zu den inkriminierten Äußerungen motiviert wurden und welche Rückschlüsse ihre Meinungsäußerungen auf das Verhältnis zwischen Obrigkeit und Untertanen zulassen. Zudem wird analysiert, wie die Obrigkeit Kenntnis von den inkriminierten Äußerungen erlangte und welche Strafen das Salzburger Landesgericht verhängte und von welchen Faktoren die Strafbemessung beeinflusst wurde. Im Anschluss daran wird die soziale Zusammensetzung der Verurteilten untersucht. Anhand der Kriminalstatistiken wird weiters der Frage nachgegangen, welche gesellschaftlichen und politischen Entwicklungen Einfluss auf die Häufigkeit der Verurteilungen wegen Majestätsbeleidigung hatten. Dabei wird gezeigt, inwieweit sich einerseits politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen auf die Stimmung in der Bevölkerung auswirkten, und wie andererseits der Majestätsbeleidigungsparagraph für die Unterdrückung unliebsamer politischer Strömungen instrumentalisiert wurde. Ein eigenes Kapitel ist schließlich der Unterdrückung von Kritik an Kaiser und Dynastie in der Presse gewidmet. Aufbauend auf eine Darlegung der presserechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen wird erörtert, wie die Zensur in der Praxis der Salzburger Behörden gehandhabt wurde, welche Artikel Anlass zu Konfiskationen gaben und welche politischen Entwicklungen und Ereignisse in der kaiserlichen Familie Anlass zu kritischen Berichten und Kommentaren gaben.

Gelehrt und erzählerisch leicht führt der Kirchenhistoriker Diarmaid MacCulloch in diesem großen, mehrfach ausgezeichneten Werk durch die revolutionäre Epoche der Reformation. Über die Ereignisse in den einzelnen Ländern hinweg entwirft er eine faszinierende Gesamtschau der politischen, sozialen und mentalitätsgeschichtlichen Prozesse auf dem ganzen europäischen Kontinent. Er beschreibt anschaulich, wie die verschiedensten historischen Ereignisse an den Rändern Europas auf die zentralen Reformationsgeschehnisse einwirkten und wie umgekehrt diese wiederum weitreichende Wirkungen auf das europäische Staatengefüge hatten. Im ersten Teil des Buches nimmt MacCulloch die Reformatoren, ihre Lehren und ihre Gegenspieler in den Blick, während er im zweiten Teil die realpolitischen Folgen der Reformation und Gegenreformation untersucht. Die religiösen, politischen und sozialen Umwälzungen des reformatorischen Zeitalters beendeten das Mittelalter, bereiteten den Weg in die Neuzeit und gaben Europa ein neues Gesicht. - Diarmaid MacCulloch wrote what is widely considered to be the authoritative account of the Reformation-a critical juncture in the history of Christianity. "It is impossible to understand modern Europe without understanding these sixteenth-century upheavals in Latin Christianity," he writes. "They represented the greatest fault line to appear in Christian culture since the Latin and Greek halves of the Roman Empire went their separate ways a thousand years before; they produced a house divided." The resulting split between the Catholics and Protestants still divides Christians throughout the Western world. It affects interpretations of the Bible, beliefs about baptisms, and event how much authority is given to religious leaders. The division even fuels an ongoing war. What makes MacCulloch`s account rise above previous attempts to interpret the Reformation is the breadth of his research. Rather than limit his narrative to the actions of key theologians and leaders of the era-Luther, Zingli, Calvin, Loyola, Cranmer, Henry VIII and numerous popes-MacCulloch sweeps his narrative across the culture, politics and lay people of Renaissance Western Europe. This broad brush approach touches upon many fascinating discussions surrounding the Reformation, including his belief that the Latin Church was probably not as "corrupt and ineffective" as Protestants tend to portray it. In fact, he asserts that it "generally satisfied the spiritual needs of the late medieval people." As a historical document, this 750-page narrative has all the key ingredients. MacCulloch, a professor of history as the Church of Oxford University, is an articulate and vibrant writer with a strong guiding intelligence. The structure is sensible-starting with the main characters who influenced reforms, then spreading out to the regional concerns, and social intellectual themes of the era. He even fast forwards into American Christianity-showing how this historical era influences modern times. MacCulloch is a topnotch historian-uncovering material and theories that will seem fresh and inspired to Reformation scholars as well as lay readers

Derzeit versinken die palästinensischen Gebiete im Chaos der Intifada. Ein lebensfähiger und friedfertiger Staat scheint Lichtjahre entfernt, die Aufbauleistungen der letzten Jahre sind in Frage gestellt. Leicht wird heute übersehen, dass es der Palästinensischen Autorität in den letzten sieben Jahren seit Einleitung einer Übergangsperiode der Selbstverwaltung im Zuge der Oslo-Abkommen sehr wohl gelungen ist, die Grundstrukturen eines staatlichen Gemeinwesens zu etablieren. Dessen künftige Lebensfähigkeit wird ganz wesentlich von Faktoren abhängen, die mit dem Fortgang des israelisch-palästinensischen Konfliktes verknüpft sind. Dazu gehört die Herausbildung bestandsfähiger politischer Institutionen, die in der Lage sind, staatliche Grundfunktionen zu erfüllen und unterschiedliche gesellschaftliche Interessen friedlich auszugleichen. Die Autorin analysiert den Prozess der Staats- und Nationenbildung in den palästinensischen Gebieten seit der Rückkehr der PLO-Führung aus dem Exil. Sie untersucht dabei besonders die Entwicklung des politischen Systems und seine Einflussfaktoren und gibt einen Ausblick auf absehbare innerpalästinensische und israelisch-palästinensische Entwicklungen.

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: This book covers policy proposals and interim contracts, assesses the positions of various Iraqi political actors and examines the potential significance for international foreign policy goals in Iraq. Despite a lack of progress in reaching agreements on the hydro-carbon sector and revenue sharing legislation to set new conditions for the management of the country's significant oil and gas resources, development in Iraq's oil and gas sector is moving forward. The passage of the oil and gas sector framework and revenue sharing legislation will be seen as significant milestones by International governments and International Oil Companies (IOC´s). This would provide evidence of the Iraqi government's dedication to promoting political reconciliation and providing a solid foundation for long term economic development in Iraq. Interim revenue sharing mechanisms have been introduced due to the lack of new legislation. Additionally, both the Federal Government (the Federal Oil Ministry-MoO) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) (the Regional Ministry of Natural Resources and Energy) have made oil and gas development deals with foreign firms. The MoO is working with existing regulation from the previous political and administrational regime, while the Regional Ministry of Resource and Energy Kurdistan-Iraq has designed its own laws and regulations, which the Federal Government has not yet recognized. There is wide recognition among Iraqis of the importance of oil and gas revenue for the Iraqi economy. Most groups see the need for new legal and policy guidelines for the development of the country's oil and natural gas resources. However, Iraq's Council of Rrepresentatives (parliament) has not yet considered the proposed legislation due to ongoing political discord and general political instability. There are strong differences on key issues between Iraqi critics and supporters of various proposed solutions. These include the appropriate role and powers of federal and regional authorities in regulating oil and gas development; the conditions and degree of potential foreign participation in the oil and gas sectors; and proposed formulas and mechanisms for equitably sharing oil and gas revenue. Simultaneously, there are strong disagreements on related discussions about the administrative status of the city of Kirkuk and proposed amendments to articles of Iraq's constitution that outline federal and regional oil and gas rights. The U.S. and UK military strategy in Iraq seeks to lay the ground work for an environment in which Iraqis can resolve core political differences in order to ensure national stability and security. However, it is not yet certain whether the proposed oil and gas legislation and ongoing interim efforts to develop Iraq's energy resources will support harmony or create deeper political tension. The United States and its allies face difficult decisions regarding how to work with Iraqis on assorted policy proposals, related constitutional reforms and oil and gas development contracts, and at the same time encouraging their Iraqi counterparts to ensure that the content of proposed laws, amendments and contracts reflect acceptable political compromises. In the 1920s a wide-ranging concession was granted to a consortium of oil companies known as the Turkish Petroleum company and later as the Iraq Petroleum Company. This was the beginning of oil exploration in Iraq. The nationalization of Iraq's oil resources and production was finished by 1975. From 1975 to 2003, oil production and export operations were entirely state operated. However, from the early 1980s until the toppling of Saddam Hussein's government in 2003, the negative effects of war, international sanctions, a shortage of investments and technology and, in many cases, mismanagement caused difficulties for Iraq's hydrocarbon infrastructure. According to the Oil Ministry, Iraq has the third largest proven oil reserves in the world (115 billion barrels). Other estimates of Iraq's potential oil reserves vary. The U.S. Department of Energy's Energy Information Administration notes that current estimates "have not been revised since 2001 and are largely based on 2-D seismic data from nearly three decades ago." In April 2007, oil industry consultants IHS assessed that Iraq's proven and probable reserves tally 116 billion barrels, with a potential additional 100 billion barrels in largely unexplored western areas. The U.S. Geological Survey's median estimate for additional oil reserves in Iraq is around 45 billion barrels. In 2004, Iraq's then Oil Ministry claimed that Iraq had "unconfirmed or potential reserves" of 214 billion barrels. My Reservoir Engineering Estimation is that Iraq's reserves can reach more than 320 bn bbl oil. Approximately 65 percent of Iraq's current proven reserves are located in southern Iraq, with a concentration in the southern most province of Al Basrah. Large proven oil resources have also been found in the northern province of Al Ta´mim near the disputed city of Kirkuk At present, crude oil provides over 90% of Iraq's domestic energy consumption and oil exports produce over 98% of Iraq's government revenue. Due to decreases in global oil prices from their 2008 high and lower oil production, Iraqi leaders revised their 2009 revenue and budget assumptions from a projected surplus to a projected $15.9 billion deficit. According to official U.S. assessments continued fluctuations in oil prices and production could put at risk Iraq's fiscal stability and the sustainability of its reconstruction and development plans. The expansion of oil production to the level of four million barrels per day (m/d) by 2013 and then upward to six m/d by 2017 is called for by current Iraqi plans. Iraqi officials have begun an international bid process for service contracts and renegotiated a series of Saddam era oil production agreements in order to support these goals. These include the transformation of a production sharing agreement into a service contract for Ahdab oil field with China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of contents: 1.Introduction1 2.Iraqi Constitution7 3.Contract Conditions15 4.State-owned Oil Companies27 5.Restructuring of the Iraqi Oil Institutions33 6.Revenue-Sharing and Equalization36 7.Potential Geography50 8.Present Organization and Development56 9.Hydrocarbon Legislation Draft and Contracts59 10.Revenue Sharing65 11.Crisis Management of the Oil Industry in Iraq88 12.U.S. Policy and Issues for Congress99 13.China Investment in the Energy Sector112 14.Conclusion119 15.References127 16.Attachments129Textprobe:Textsample: Revenues and Arrangements: Under current arrangements, the responsibility for the sale and export of Iraq's crude oil is appointed to Iraq's State Oil Marketing Organization (SOMO). The United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1483 (and updated under subsequent Security Council resolutions) stipulates that revenue from Iraq's oil exports is to be deposited into an Iraq-controlled account held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (FRBNY). Five percent of the funds are put aside for a United Nations Compensation Fund for reparations to the victims of the 1990 Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The remaining 95% are deposited into a Development Fund for Iraq (DFI) account at the FRBNY and then transferred to an Iraqi Ministry of Finance account at the Central Bank of Iraq for further distribution to Iraqi government ministries. The terms of UNSCR1546 and subsequent resolutions mandate that the DFI be monitored by an International Advisory and Monitoring Board (IAMB), which provides periodic reports on Iraq's oil export revenue, Iraq's use of its oil revenues, and its oil production practices. According to the IAMB, as of December 31, 2007, $23.43 billion had been disbursed from the United Nations Compensation Fund and Iraq owed $28.95 billion to the Fund. Iraq deposited another $3 billion. According to IAMB estimates in mid 2008 "at the present rate of Iraqi oil sales, it would take approximately 17 years for the compensation award to be fully paid."38 It is likely that this estimate is no longer current due to significant declines in the price of oil in the meantime. The IAMB has not yet announced a corrected date. Under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1859 (December 22, 2008) the IAMB authority ends on December 31, 2009. This refers to a 2009 "transition to successor arrangement" from the DFI and the IAMD to Iraqi-led auditing processes. In October 2006, the Committee of Financial Experts (COFE) was approved by the Iraqi cabinet. Its task is to oversee oil revenue collection and administration. The president of the COFE authorized its activities in April 2007, and it currently is working with the IAMB on audit procedures. The establishment of an audit oversight committee for the DFI and oil export revenues is a structural benchmark under Iraq's Stand-by Arrangement (SBA) with the International Monetary Fund currently satisfied by the extension of the IAMB arrangement and the creation of the COFE. Agreements with members of the Paris club made the approval of the SBA into a necessity.39 The IAMB said in 2009 that Iraq's Committee of Financial Experts "is ready and capable to succeed the IAMB and conduct competent and independent oversight of the DFI." Immunity provisions included in standing UN Security Council resolutions protect Iraqi funds in the DFI from property attachment motions instead of legal judgments rendered against the former Iraqi regime. President Bush extended the U.S. legal protections for the DFI and other Iraqi assets under Executive Order 13303 through May 20, 2009. President Obama prolonged the protections until May 2010.40 Iraq will receive continued support from the United States in its attempts to convince the UN to extend related protections for energy proceeds and the DFI under Article 26 of the U.S.-Iraq security agreement. Oversight of Oil Production and Revenue Management Between its creation in May 2003 until December 31, 2007, the DFI received over $121.7 billion in oil proceeds and other deposits. According to audit estimates, an additional $58.8 billion in net export proceeds were deposited in 2008. Intermittent audits done in conjunction with the IAMB have routinely found serious discrepancies in oil production and export figures and DFI account receipt and distribution amounts. The absence of reliable output measurements for oil has been a critical and ongoing problem. During the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) period, there was no metering equipment available for oil production and exports. According to a May 2007 GAO report, there have been no improvements in reliable metering in Iraq's oil fields. This has contributed to the shortage of reliable data on Iraq's oil production and related revenue.42. In January 2008, an IAMB report claimed that Iraq's Ministry of Oil "does not have in place a full operational loading and metering system at production and loading points in order to determine produced and loaded quantities [of oil] accurately." An IAMB report in June 2008 established that "some metering has been installed at oil terminals, but there continues to be no metering in the oil fields." In April 2009, the IAMB stated that "much remains to be done before a fully operational control and measurement system over the oil production, distribution and export sales, can be comprehensively implemented," and added that, "Indications from the Ministry of Oil point to implementation by 2011 at the earliest." Financial audits completed by December 2005 established that "no comprehensive financial and internal controls policies and procedures manuals" existed in the Iraqi ministries that were spending oil export proceeds delivered through the DFI system. On June 12, 2007, the IAMB commented on its 2006 findings, noting that the audits proved "the overall financial system of controls is deficient." The audits showed there was "no overall comprehensive system of controls over oil revenues," and that "basic administrative procedures" were "outdated and ineffective." These conditions may have contributed to widespread corruption. Several Iraqi ministries spending distributed oil export revenue have been accused of corruption which is often associated with weak contracting and cash management policies. The Iraqi government's attempts to respond to IAMB recommendations were noticed by the IAMB's preliminary findings for 2007, but also noted that "the overall financial system of controls in place in the spending ministries, the U.S. agencies in respect of outstanding commitments using DFI resources, and the Iraqi administration of DFI resources remain deficient." The 2008 preliminary assessment, released in April 2009, concluded that "much remains to be done before a sound financial management system is operating effectively in Iraq".