The aim of the article is to present, based on theoretical studies of integration, the evolution of this process in Latin America and, most recently, in South America. Based on these studies, the goal is to analyze the role played by Brazil in the process, which defines as priorities of its foreign policy a regional and global framework for its international action that is based on both cooperation and power projection.The research has been conducted based on theories of integration, an historical background on Latin American integration and in Brazilian foreign policy, through its contemporary agenda. The answer was based on a comparative agenda and in a bibliographical critical analysis of the research material.The main findings of the paper point out that Latin American integration has specific features linked to the economic, political and stragetic realities of the continent that show the limitations of some theories applied to the European process, also that it depends on Brazilian foreign policy actions, that still sees the region as instrumental to its interests. So, Brazil sometimes fail to fulfill some requisites of integration that are essential to sustain its projects. Therefore, there is a cycle of enlargement and deepening of regional integration process in this political space that point out to the need of a more sustained compromise of Brazilian foreign policy towards these projects. If Brazil continues not to sustain these projects, they will lose momentum and significance once more, increasing power asymmetries in the region.
Este trabalho aborda a normatização existente entre os Países Partes do MERCOSUL, que formam o arcabouço jurídico e institucional para as diversas relações mercosulistas em relação aos recursos hídricos – um recurso importante e estratégico, que merece um tratamento normativo para sua preservação e proteção para futuras gerações. Diante da inexistência de uma normativa geral a respeito dos recursos hídricos no MERCOSUL, foi necessário trabalhar os principais acordos multilaterais nesse domínio e que envolvem os países do MERCOSUL, como o Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica e o Tratado da Bacia do Prata, em relação às águas superficiais; e também do arcabouço jurídico da Declaração Conjunta dos Presidentes dos Estados do MERCOSUL sobre o Aquífero Guarani, importante riqueza para as gerações atuais e futuras mercosulistas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir do método hermenêutico, por meio do levantamento e análise das normas jurídicas internacionais envolvendo os Estados partes do MERCOSUL, em tratados multilaterais sobre águas transfronteiriças superficiais e subterrâneas. Realizou-se a coleta de informações, por meio de materiais bibliográficos, livros, periódicos, mapas temáticos, informações e documentos disponíveis em páginas eletrônicas da rede mundial de computadores. A combinação das normas jurídicas esparsas acaba por regular boa parte das relações jurídicas hídricas entre os Estados Partes do MERCOSUL, uma vez que sua conjugação abrangem todos os Estados integrantes do MERCOSUL. ; This work discusses the regulatory standardization among countries that are party to MERCOSUR. This standardization forms the legal and institutional framework for maintaining important and strategic water resources, which require such regulation in order to be preserved and protected for present and future generations. Due to the lack of general legislation relating to MERCOSUR's water resources, it was necessary to study the main multilateral agreements among the MERCOSUR countries, such as the Amazon Cooperation Treaty and the River Plate Basin Treaty relating to surface water, and also the legal points included in a recent joint statement of the presidents of the Mercosur States regarding the Guarani Aquifer, which is an important resource for current and future generations of the MERCOSUR. The survey was developed using the hermeneutical method, based upon surveys and analysis of international legislation involving MERCOSUR member states, multilateral treaties relating to transboundary waters and groundwater zones and also included a search of bibliographic materials, books, journals, thematic maps, information and documents available on the Internet. The combination of the sparse legal rules covers most legal relationships between MERCOSUR member states relating to water. ; Este trabalho aborda a normatização existente entre os Países Partes do MERCOSUL, que formam o arcabouço jurídico e institucional para as diversas relações mercosulistas em relação aos recursos hídricos – um recurso importante e estratégico, que merece um tratamento normativo para sua preservação e proteção para futuras gerações. Diante da inexistência de uma normativa geral a respeito dos recursos hídricos no MERCOSUL, foi necessário trabalhar os principais acordos multilaterais nesse domínio e que envolvem os países do MERCOSUL, como o Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica e o Tratado da Bacia do Prata, em relação às águas superficiais; e também do arcabouço jurídico da Declaração Conjunta dos Presidentes dos Estados do MERCOSUL sobre o Aquífero Guarani, importante riqueza para as gerações atuais e futuras mercosulistas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir do método hermenêutico, por meio do levantamento e análise das normas jurídicas internacionais envolvendo os Estados partes do MERCOSUL, em tratados multilaterais sobre águas transfronteiriças superficiais e subterrâneas. Realizou-se a coleta de informações, por meio de materiais bibliográficos, livros, periódicos, mapas temáticos, informações e documentos disponíveis em páginas eletrônicas da rede mundial de computadores. A combinação das normas jurídicas esparsas acaba por regular boa parte das relações jurídicas hídricas entre os Estados Partes do MERCOSUL, uma vez que sua conjugação abrangem todos os Estados integrantes do MERCOSUL.
Não obstante o processo de globalização, o Estado Nacional, para países dotados de satisfatória condição de autonomia, continua sendo o agente decisório. Integrações regionais, como as da União Européia e do Mercosul , tornaram-se necessárias condições de sustentação dessa autonomia. ; In spite of the globalization process, the National State still represents the deciding agent in countries with satisfactory autonomy conditions. Regional integrations such as European Union and Mercosur have become necessary conditions to sustain this autonomy.
The paper aims to analyze the performance of UNASUR in its first initial phase of activities in cases of democratic crises that happened in South America, during the period 2008-2015. Thus, it examines the cases of Bolivia (2008), Ecuador (2010), Paraguay (2012) and Venezuela (2014-2015). The central hypothesis of this study is that the defense of democracy and its institutions has been incorporated as one of the fundamental elements of the organization. Therefore, UNASUR is guided by political dialogue and consensus building for the maintenance of the democratic order in the South American countries and, consequently, a deepening of the regional integration process. It is argued that UNASUR includes democracy as one of its core values and acts to defend it in unstable situation. Therefore, the strengthening of the organization depends, among other factors, on its ability to resolve conflicts and promote democracy in the continent.
The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation. ; The process of economic integration between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay — and so far with Chile and Bolívia —, the MERCOSUR, Is viewed as part of a movement that is changing the relation of economy and space. In this sense, first of all, some theoretical questions about economic development and the territory are pointed out, describing this relationship at the level of accumulation and regulation and picturing the fordist mode of development and its Latin-American contemporary, the national development—commonly identified with import substitution. Secondly, a historical overview of Latin America's South Cone development at the fordist age tries to characterize the regimes of accumulation and modes of regulation prevailing in a national base at each country. Thirdly, the post-fordist era is considered with the changes in the international regime, the accumulation process and the regulation structures and their effects on the economic integration. At least, the hypothesis of the emerging continental block, the MERCOSUR, be a new milestone in economic development for the region is dealt with as a possible new kind of spatiality for capital accumulation.
The European Union set up an experiment in international relations that arouses the most varied reactions, going from extreme euphoria to nationalist xenophobia. This feeling of confusion is due not only to the wide range of issues that are embraced nor the organic complexity of the institution, but, principally, to superficial analysis emanating from the traditional doctrine, which still stubbornly lies on the surface, focusing in the appearance of international phenomena, without entering into its real concrete and full essence. Thus, in order to develop a consistent study is fundamental to understand European integration in their most hidden aspects, without disregarding their political and legal form, but up to them until unravelling the reality of its political economy. Up to this point it is possible to understand which lesson could be extracted from European experience to South American reality.
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU), one of the most important symbols of the European regional integration process, completed fifty years in 2012. At first glance, many of its positive aspects, which places the EU as the global largest exporter position of agri-food goods, stands strong in the defense of agricultural protectionism, position which is reflected in the European way of acting in the negotiations and the CAP as a concerned policy to ensure food security in the European Continent. All these elements show positive traits of European regional integration. However, the CAP is quite controversial because over the decades it favored the interests of the European farmers maintaining its level of income, especially of certain member states of the EU, persists for more than five decades keeping the essence of its original structure, even it is an extremely costly policy to citizens of the European bloc of regional integration and resulted in imbalances. Taking into account these elements, the purpose of this article is to discuss the origins of the CAP, which are linked to food security in the post-Second World War Europe, the interests that supported its original formulation, the previous negotiations and those that occurred during the its institutionalization process. In addition, we intend to analyze the first results of the integrated European policy in the agricultural area, which went through incremental changes until 1992.
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the 2000s, due to the increasing significance of regional powers in world politics, in order to understand global transformations, it has become crucial to examine how regional powers have been relating to their neighborhoods, complementing their global behavior analysis. Therefore, this work aims to characterize and analyze Brazilian relations with its neighbors (the other American countries), during 1985-2010, concerning Brazilian foreign policy towards the region, the architecture of regional institutions and the management of regional security and energy integration issues. The text is organized in four sections. After a brief introductory part, in the second section is examined how Brazilian foreign policy towards the neighborhood was designed in accordance with administrations and with shifts in the international scene. The third section brings two exams about South American regional integration: security and energy. These two themes were selected since in both cases it becomes clear how Brazilian behavior determines the prosperity (or not) of regional initiatives. In the end, the fourth section aims to synthesize the arguments, concluding the paper.
The objective of this article is to analyze the strategic partnership between Brazil and Uruguay in the years 2003-2014 from the perspective of Brazilian international insertion. In order to do this three main aspects are considered: the limits and potentials of Brazil as a regional power, the context of South American regional politics and the strategy of the government of Lula da Silva and Rousseff administrations regarding these issues. The article is guided by a multi-scale approach, also focusing on some domestic and external dynamics of Brazilian foreign policy. It is noted that the above-mentioned strategic partnership acquired great relevance to the Brazilian proposal of integration, as well as to its national development goals, giving field to considerable advances in both ventures, since it is compatible with the idea of international insertion of Brazil and with its structural limitations. ; Peer reviewed
In the fifties and sixties decades of the twentieth century, several intellectuals began to reflect on what would be the most effective ways to integrate the Amazon to Brazil. At that time, the region was emerging of a long period of economic stagnation and became a space of capitalist reproduction during the military dictatorship with the establishment of the development project, Amazon Operation. The present article intends to analyze and understand the main politicals ideas of Djalma Batista e Samuel Benchimol, who had an active voice in the debates about the paths to be traced by the region. We seek to systematize the reflexions of these authors about the function of State, national/regional integration and development as they are key ideas in their thought. The thought of these authors was generated by the necessity of the regional elites to put an end to the economic stagnation after the First World War; it was also a way to try to solve the regional issue, facing it as a social and political problem that would only be solved with the social and economic integration to Brazil. ; En los años 1950 y 1960, varios intelectuales comenzaron a reflexionar acerca de caminos eficaces para integrar la Amazonia a Brasil. La región salía de un largo período de paralización económica y se convertía en espacio de reproducción capitalista, con la implantación del proyecto de desarrollo Operación Amazonia. El artículo pretende comprender las ideas políticas de Djalma Batista y Samuel Benchimol, voces activas en los debates sobre los rumbos a ser trillados por la región. A partir de sus principales obras, procuramos sistematizar las reflexiones sobre la función del Estado, integración regional / nacional y desarrollo, ideas clave de su pensamiento. Tal pensamiento, a su vez, fue generado por la necesidad de las elites regionales de poner fin al estancamiento económico de la región después de la Primera Guerra Mundial; también fue una forma de intentar resolver la cuestión regional, tomando como un problema social y político que sólo se resolvería con la integración social y económica a Brasil. ; Nos anos de 1950 e 1960, vários intelectuais começaram a refletir acerca de caminhos eficazes para integrar a Amazônia ao Brasil. A região saía de um longo período de marasmo econômico e se tornava espaço de reprodução capitalista, com a implantação do projeto de desenvolvimento Operação Amazônia. O artigo visa compreender as ideias políticas de Djalma Batista e Samuel Benchimol, vozes ativas nos debates sobre os rumos a serem trilhados pela região. A partir de suas principais obras, procuramos sistematizar as reflexões sobre a função do Estado, integração regional/nacional e desenvolvimento, ideias-chave de seu pensamento. Tal pensamento, por sua vez, foi gerado pela necessidade das elites regionais de pôr fim à estagnação econômica da região após a Primeira Guerra Mundial; também foi uma forma de tentarem resolver a questão regional, tomando-a como um problema social e político que só seria resolvida com a integração social e econômica ao Brasil.
During the past years, the evolution of foreign relations within the capitalist system lead to the internationalization of capital and to a growing tendency to create integrated regional spaces or blocs of countries. Keeping in mind paths treaded by capitalism during the second half of the XXth century, and with an eye on the forthcoming changes in foreign relations, which are bound to occur throughout the next decades, the integration of Latin America is seen as a must. Furthermore, the success of such an integration will greatly depend on the role played by the local bourgeoisie. ; During the past years, the evolution of foreign relations within the capitalist system lead to the internationalization of capital and to a growing tendency to create integrated regional spaces or blocs of countries. Keeping in mind paths treaded by capitalism during the second half of the XXth century, and with an eye on the forthcoming changes in foreign relations, which are bound to occur throughout the next decades, the integration of Latin America is seen as a must. Furthermore, the success of such an integration will greatly depend on the role played by the local bourgeoisie.
Regionalization of the public health system aims to encourage and enhance efforts and measures involving the organization of local and regional public health, through coordinating all those involved. The barriers that often hinder the process of regionalization are linked to tensions and conflicts between objectives, integration and political factors. This article intends to reflect on the process of regionalization from an administrative and political point of view, highlighting issues of local autonomy due to the process of municipalization. In other words, if the process of municipalizing the health system in the last few decades has strengthened political autonomy in the cities, the proposal to rationalize the services structure by regionalization follows a more administrative logic. But as can be seen in the in the Greater ABC region of São Paulo, for example, the political side of this process will impose itself, one way or another, especially when each city tries to defend their own interests. ; Regionalização do SUS visa reforçar e potencializar esforços e medidas envolvendo a organização dos sistemas local e regional de saúde, mediante articulação de todos os envolvidos. Os entraves que costumam dificultar o processo de regionalização estão relacionados às tensões e aos conflitos entre os objetivos, a integração e os fatores políticos. Este artigo se propõe a refletir sobre o processo de regionalização do ponto de vista político-administrativo, destacando questões relativas à autonomia local decorrente do processo de municipalização. Dito de outro modo, se o processo de municipalização da saúde ocorrido nas últimas décadas fortaleceu a autonomia política dos municípios, a proposta de racionalizar a estrutura de serviços por meio da regionalização seguiu uma lógica mais administrativa. Mas, como vimos na região do Grande ABC paulista, por exemplo, a dimensão política do processo se impõe de qualquer maneira, sobretudo nos jogos de poder na defesa de interesses locais.
The current water governance in Brazil contributes to the increase of water scarcity problems in the São Francisco basin, contributing to conflicts over water use. This paper assesses the challenges and barriers of water governance in the São Francisco river basin based on a robust collection and analysis of data from various repositories and institutions at the national, state, river basin and municipal levels. The methodology includes an analysis of institutional interaction by examining the coordination of water resources plans, a review of the implementation of basin tributary committees and the quantity and quality available data related to water management. Most tributaries' river plans were developed by the government; therefore, many of the plans analyzed conflicted with other regional plans due to a lack of coordination of proposed actions. In addition, the semiarid region has implemented few tributary river committees and the basin as a whole lacks an appropriate mechanism for generating, updating and sharing comprehensive information relevant to water management. It is therefore imperative to improve coordination between plans using integrated assessment and decision-making tools, and to reinforce public participation through tributary committees. Further, a collaborative data platform should be adopted, from which it will be possible share information generated in different sectors of society. ; A atual governança Hídrica no Brasil contribui para o aumento dos problemas oriundos da escassez hídrica na bacia do São Francisco, majorando os conflitos pelo uso da água. Este artigo tem o objetivo de avaliar alguns desafios e oportunidades da governança hídrica na bacia do São Francisco com base numa robusta coleta e análise de dados nos mais diversos órgãos e instituições em escalas nacional, estadual e de bacia. A metodologia inclui a análise da interação interinstitucional através do exame da coordenação dos planos de recursos hídricos, a análise da implementação dos comitês de bacias dos rios afluentes e a quantidade e qualidade acessível de dados relativos à gestão de águas. A maioria dos planos dos rios afluentes vigentes foi elaborada pelo poder público e consequentemente, boa parte dos planos analisados apresentam propostas com divergências regionais em suas diferentes escalas de planejamento e apresentam falhas na sinergia entre as ações dos diversos planos. Além disso, a região semiárida padece com a baixa implantação dos comitês de bacias de rios afluentes e a bacia como um todo sofre com a falta de um mecanismo apropriado de produção, atualização e compartilhamento de informações relevantes para a gestão hídrica. Portanto, faz-se necessário aprimorar o mecanismo de articulação entre os planos com o uso de ferramentas de avaliação integrada e de contexto decisório, fortalecer a participação pública através de comitês de rios afluentes e a adoção de uma plataforma de dados colaborativa donde se possa compartilhar informações geradas em diferentes setores da sociedade. ; A atual governança Hídrica no Brasil contribui para o aumento dos problemas oriundos da escassez hídrica na bacia do São Francisco, majorando os conflitos pelo uso da água. Este artigo tem o objetivo de avaliar alguns desafios e oportunidades da governança hídrica na bacia do São Francisco com base numa robusta coleta e análise de dados nos mais diversos órgãos e instituições em escalas nacional, estadual e de bacia. A metodologia inclui a análise da interação interinstitucional através do exame da coordenação dos planos de recursos hídricos, a análise da implementação dos comitês de bacias dos rios afluentes e a quantidade e qualidade acessível de dados relativos à gestão de águas. A maioria dos planos dos rios afluentes vigentes foi elaborada pelo poder público e consequentemente, boa parte dos planos analisados apresentam propostas com divergências regionais em suas diferentes escalas de planejamento e apresentam falhas na sinergia entre as ações dos diversos planos. Além disso, a região semiárida padece com a baixa implantação dos comitês de bacias de rios afluentes e a bacia como um todo sofre com a falta de um mecanismo apropriado de produção, atualização e compartilhamento de informações relevantes para a gestão hídrica. Portanto, faz-se necessário aprimorar o mecanismo de articulação entre os planos com o uso de ferramentas de avaliação integrada e de contexto decisório, fortalecer a participação pública através de comitês de rios afluentes e a adoção de uma plataforma de dados colaborativa donde se possa compartilhar informações geradas em diferentes setores da sociedade.
Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.
