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The introduction of regional autonomy, as established in the 1948 Constitution, has been slow and gradual, taking the shape of an administrative decentralization despite the legislative power granted to the regions created by the Constitution. Following the 1993 laws regarding the local authorities and the 1999 laws regarding the regions whose power has been granted a high level of legitimacy, the contemporary phase is being characterized by a constitutional change (revision of 2001) which has given the regions their own legislative authority, in addition to new financial resources, and has guaranteed, through the principle of subsidiarity, the autonomy of the communes and cities. However, the implementation of this reform, which is being delayed by centralizing resistance, may lead to different types of federalism, certain groups going as far as proposing a 'devolution' that would challenge the permanence of territorial solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks.

Résumé Dans le cadre du « Nouveau régionalisme » cet article expose un modèle d'« incentive potentiels » en direction des entreprises ayant vocation à soutenir le processus de régionalisation. Nous présentons ici un nouveau modèle analytique qui développe quatre « incentives » essentiels au niveau régional à deux niveaux. Au niveau politique d'abord, les entreprises cherchent à intervenir dans l'agenda politique et les alliances régionales. Au niveau structurel ensuite, elles essayent d'accéder aux services publics décentralisés, aux financements publics, voire même d'obtenir un certain niveau de représentation institutionnelle. On applique ce modèle à quatre organisations catalanes : trois entreprises (Foment del Treball Nacional, la Chambre de Commerce de Barcelone et PIMEC) et un think tank (Cercle d'Economie) et nous essayons de démontrer comment ces « incentives » constituent un déclic pour leur ancrage dans ce processus de régionalisation. Le cas observé concerne les réclamations en faveur d'un aéroport de Barcelone décentralisé et en partie privatisé. La méthodologie mise en œuvre se veut qualitative.

A review essay on books by (1) Adekeye Adebajo, Liberia's Civil War. Nigeria, ECOMOG and Regional Security (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002); (2) Adekeye Adebajo, Building Peace in West Africa. Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002); (3) Douglas Anglin, Confronting Rwandan Genocide. The Military Options, What Could and Should the International Community Have Done? (Clemensport, Nova Scotia: Pearson Peacekeeping Centre, 2002); (4) David J. Francis, The Politics of Economic Regionalism. Sierra Leone in ECOWAS (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2001); (5) George Klay Kieh, Jr., & Ida Rousseau Mukenge (Eds), Zones of Conflict in Africa. Theories and Cases (Westport, CO: Praeger, 2002); & (6) Terry Mays, The 1999 United Nations and 2000 Organization of African Unity Formal Inquiries. A Retrospective Examination of Peacekeeping and the Rwandan Crisis of 1994 (Clemensport, Nova Scotia: Pearson Peacekeeping Centre, 2002). Adapted from the source document.

The question over identity, autonomy and integration between regions, about the requirement to define politics and aims, still prevails. The Colombian Caribbean region has been characterized in accordance with the nation historical state of affairs; the last attempts procuring a successful Caribbean project have been tinged by bureaucracy and politician slackness. The text evaluates the region performance, regional development politics and its possibilities to improve the current poverty and underdeveloped prospect. ; La pregunta sobre la identidad, la autonomía o la integración de las regiones; sobre la necesidad de definir políticas y destinos, sigue vigente. La región del Caribe Colombiano ha sido caracterizada de acuerdo a las condiciones históricas de la nación. Los últimos intentos por hacer que un proyecto funcione han estado matizados por la burocracia y la ineficiencia. El texto evalúa el papel de la región, de las políticas de desarrollo regional y sus posibilidades para mejorar el actual panorama de atraso y pobreza.

La fin de la guerre froide a permis la naissance de nouvelles interdependances economiques regionales et d'une nouvelle geopolitique. L'aire economique europeenne doit repenser ses rapports avec ses peripheries. L'auteur recapitule les anciens schemas de l'interaction Europe-Afrique qui sont devenus inefficaces ou dysfonctionnels; il fait la difference entre les situations en Afrique du Nord et en Afrique sub-saharienne, l'integration de cette derniere postulant des recompositions internes. Il mentionne egalement les priorites de l'Europe maintenant tournee vers l'Est et le monde mediterraneen alors qu'en Afrique subsaharienne l'ajustement devient une condition et que les evolutions en cours representent un facteur d'incertitude. Il decrit cette situation tant au niveau de la politique interne des Etats, de l'espace geopolitique que de l'evolution des activites economiques, notamment dans le secteur informel, le tout mettant en place un regionalisme transetatique avec tous les problemes d'ordre monetaire, politique que cela comporte. Malgre tout, pour l'Afrique subsaharienne il est indispensable, en Europe, comme en Afrique, de penser le traitement des clivages Nord-Sud en termes d'integration. (DÜI-Mfg)

Liberal intergovernmentalism approach proposed by Andrew Moravcsik is an important contribution to regional integration studies in Western Europe. Can it also help explaining integration among developing countries? The objective of this paper is to examine the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism can be used to explain the process of integration in the Caribbean Basin, in particular, the Assoc of Caribbean States (ACS). Firstly, this paper evaluated Moravcsik's approach to regional integration & its contribution to integration theory. Secondly, the development of the ACS is analyzed by using a variable of the Moravcsik approach: the process of formation of national preferences. Based on the study of the formation of national preferences in Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, & Mexico, the paper shows the extent to which Moravcsik ideas could account for regionalism in the Caribbean Basin. Adapted from the source document.