Suchergebnisse

The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project "Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia" financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.

The aim of the research was to find out whether the recent socio-economic changes in Croatia generated the corresponding change in the religiosity of Croatian youth and if so, what was the nature of this change. To this end, the results of the studies of Croatian youth of 1986 and 1999 are compared. Several indicators of religious devotion are included: confessional and religious self-identification, beliefs, and religious practice. Since all four indicators have increased significantly, this means that in the mentioned period religiosity registered a marked increase, which signifies a massive shift from the non-religious to the religious orientation of Croatian youth. This is an indirect confirmation of the claim that this shift in the religious devotion of Croatian outh and its remarkable increase is due to the social changes such as the fall of communism, the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, the creation of the independent Croatian state, and the Serbian aggression against Croatia. (SOI : PM: S. 160)

Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics within its spatial and temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible and to fmd uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent in which rulers establish a standardized central administration and the extent in which homogeneous culture, religion and laws have been achieved. The second topic which held an important place in Finer's research is military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, and a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment and preservation of political communities, regimes and governments. According to Finer, the state's key function are preparing for wars, waging wars and reconstructing the country after them, and expecting the next one. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political and religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies which have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, and political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. (SOI : PM: S. 182)

This paper presents an overview of the latest experiences in ethnomusicological research based on the texts incorporated in this collection of works. These experiences emanate primarily from the local researchers' works on music of the Balkans, with a heightened theoretical and methodological dimension. The distinctive Balkan musical practices, created through the amalgamation of elements from different cultures, ethnicities, and religions, made this geo-cultural space intriguing not only to researchers from this very region but also to those from other cultural communities. A theoretical framework for interpreting these practices together with the contemporary research methods stem from interactions of local scientific communities' experiences, sources and practices they deal with, circumstances, ideologies and politics, including the influences of the world's dominant ethnomusicological communities as well as researchers' individual affinities and choices. A comparison with the research strategies applied in similar, transitory geo-cultural spaces contributes to a more complex exploration of the Balkan ethnomusicologists' experiences. ; Рад доноси преглед новијих искустава у етномузиколошким истраживањима музика Балкана, првенствено на основу радова који чине овај зборник. Пажња је кључно усмерена на теоријско-методолошку димензију. Специфичне музичке праксе Балкана, формиране амалгамисањем елемената различитих култура, етницитета и религија, учиниле су овај гео- културни простор интригантним не само за истраживаче из самог региона, већ и за оне из других културних средина. Теоријски оквири у којима се оне интерпретирају и методе које се данас користе у истраживањима резултат су интеракција искустава локалних научних заједница, извора и пракси којима се баве, околности, идеологија и политика, укључујући и утицаје доминантних светских етномузиколошких заједница и индивидуалних афинитета истраживача. Комплексније разматрање искустава етномузиколога са Балкана остварено је поређењима са истраживачким стратегијама примењиваним на сличним, транзиторним геокултурним просторима.

The author has tried to prove that interethnic relations in democracy cannot be handled solely by means of legal, economic and institutional means; political culture, i.e. civic democratic political culture can have a significant role. The analysis has shown that there is room for the build-up of a trans-national democratic citizenry, free from all ascriptive criteria and identities such as religion, ethnicity, etc. It has also revealed how classic liberalism neglects various identities (ethnic, national etc.) while communitarian liberalism overlooks the excluding force of various identities. It has also demonstrated that there are several concepts of civic identities (liberal, communitarian and social/group) and that each of these concepts can exert profound influence on the relationship between citizens and their political community. And finally, the relation between patriotism and inter-ethnic relations in democracy are reviewed. Patriotism, in the circumstances of growing social pluralisation, and despite a plethora of political integrations, can play a prominent role in bridging the political and cultural atomisations and conflicts in society. It can undertake this role only if constituted in th civic and not the crude (fixed) ethnic sense - though the national defines the limits and the meaning of this constitution - provided it evolves into the loyalty to one's homeland and going hand in hand with the development of democracy and human rights. In short, the purpose of this paper is to provide evidence that it is necessary to expand democratic political culture which might aid in resolving intricate and sensitive relations among various ethnic and cultural communities. Patriotism can assume a decisive role in this. It lays down the limits and legitimacy to each meaningful political discourse and to each genuine political subject. (SOI : PM: S. 49)

The author points up the proverbial complexity of Yugoslavia and the inadequacy of its political structure, officially made up of six republics, five peoples, four languages, three religions, two alphabets, and one party. That is why the subjective orientations of its many peoples went counter to its existence, leading to its disintegration following the first multiparty elections. Serbs and Montenegrins were its partisans and due to a lack of democratic political culture they launched the war for the preservation of Yugoslavia. The properties of the political culture of the peoples living on its territory had acted as trip-wires for that war, defined its form, course and intensity. Due to their national identification with Yugoslavia and insufficient democratic political culture, Serbs and Montenegrins started the war for the territories of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aggressors belong to the Eastern civilisational sphere, speak the Serbian language, write in the Cyrillic alphabet. are culturally tribally oriented, want to live in Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia which would be socialist, and are adherents of repressive types of political culture. The victims belong to the Western civilisational sphere, they are Catholics and Moslems, speak Croatian, write in the Latin alphabet, are culturally communally oriented, and favour the participatory political culture. During the Serbian and Monetenegrian aggression, two civil wars erupted in Bosnia and Herzegovina: (1) between the Muslims and the Croats and (2) between the Muslims. The participants of this war all swear their allegiance to the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but differ in their visions of its political structure. The Moslems wish a unitarian state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Croats want it to be a federal state, while the Serbs are against any separate state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. (SOI: PM: S. 242)

Der Autor, katholischer Pfarrer des nordwestbosnischen Bergbauortes Ljubija, beschreibt auf Grund seiner persönlichen Erfahrungen die drei serbischen Konzentrationslager Keraterm, Omarska und Manjaca in Nordwest-Bosnien, d.h. im Gebiet der selbsternannten "Serbischen Republik Bosnien und Hercegovina". Er ist am 08.06.1992 in das Lager Keraterm entführt worden, dann in die Lager Omarska und Manjaca verlegt worden, und am 28.08.1992 aus letzterem mit schwersten Gesundheitsschäden entlassen worden. Die Lager wurden von den serbischen Machthabern zur "ethnischen Säuberung" des Gebietes errichtet; inhaftiert wurden Kroaten und Muslime beiderlei Geschlechts und jeden Alters. Die Grausamkeiten waren insbesondere im KZ von Omarska, einem Todeslager, unvorstellbar. Zugleich ist das Buch ein Bericht über die Behandlung der nichtserbischen Bevölkerung dieses Gebietes durch die serbischen Machthaber und deren Organe, sowie über deren nationalistisch-rassistische Ideologie und Motivation. Das Buch enthält eine Chronologie zur serbischen Machtübernahme und zur Durchführung der "ethnischen Säuberung" in diesem Gebiet. (SOI-Abr)