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The role of religious symbols, including wearing religious garments in school and displaying religious symbols in public, has been, and continues to be, a matter of controversy in a number of countries. Students or teachers observing religious dress codes, including Islamic headscarves and Sikh turbans, employees wearing cross and chain around the neck have in some countries been expelled from schools, denied access to higher education, suspended from their jobs or their other rights were restricted. Summarising the above analysed case-law, it could be concluded that European Court of Human Rights (Commission as well) dealt with the diverse forms of religious symbols. The relevance of the issue could be proved by the new applications, which raise new aspects of the display/wearing of religious symbols. ECtHR in its rulings highlighted the State's margin of appreciation and emphasized the importance of the principles of secularisms and equality. Thus, the Court acknowledged the interference with the freedom of religion, it was justified on the grounds laid down in the limitation clause (Article 9(2) of the Convention). In most of the cases the European Court of Human Rights having regard to the Contracting States' margin of appreciation justified the interference as "necessary in democratic society" in pursuance to the legitimate aim of protecting the rights and freedoms of others and of public order. However, the judgment in "Crucifix" case, where the Court did not find that in classrooms hanging crucifix violates freedom of religion, raised the discussion about "double standards" applicable to the different religions. Consequently, the pending cases regarding the ban on the full-face veil in France and the prohibition to wear a cross and chain around the neck at work, could draw a new line in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights.

The role of religious symbols, including wearing religious garments in school and displaying religious symbols in public, has been, and continues to be, a matter of controversy in a number of countries. Students or teachers observing religious dress codes, including Islamic headscarves and Sikh turbans, employees wearing cross and chain around the neck have in some countries been expelled from schools, denied access to higher education, suspended from their jobs or their other rights were restricted. Summarising the above analysed case-law, it could be concluded that European Court of Human Rights (Commission as well) dealt with the diverse forms of religious symbols. The relevance of the issue could be proved by the new applications, which raise new aspects of the display/wearing of religious symbols. ECtHR in its rulings highlighted the State's margin of appreciation and emphasized the importance of the principles of secularisms and equality. Thus, the Court acknowledged the interference with the freedom of religion, it was justified on the grounds laid down in the limitation clause (Article 9(2) of the Convention). In most of the cases the European Court of Human Rights having regard to the Contracting States' margin of appreciation justified the interference as "necessary in democratic society" in pursuance to the legitimate aim of protecting the rights and freedoms of others and of public order. However, the judgment in "Crucifix" case, where the Court did not find that in classrooms hanging crucifix violates freedom of religion, raised the discussion about "double standards" applicable to the different religions. Consequently, the pending cases regarding the ban on the full-face veil in France and the prohibition to wear a cross and chain around the neck at work, could draw a new line in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights.

This master thesis provides the analysis of protection of religious symbols as part of public policy and morality in trademark law and advertising law. The thesis consists of three parts. First part presents cohesion between religion, law and morality and relationship between morality and public policy. First part findings are: with regard to separation of state and church constitutional principle, religion can not directly affect secular law, however, religion can make influence to secular law over morals principles. Also public morality should be interpreted as part of public policy, because universal morality does not exist. So protection of religious symbols is a part of public policy in this master thesis context. Second part focuses on analysis of Lithuania Law on Advertising and Trademark law norms related with protection of religious symbols. Following the evaluation of Europe Union acts, other countries regulation and Lithuania laws travaux préparatoires, is concluded that protection of religious symbols is not separate ground of refusal trademarks registration or prohibition of advertising, but protection of religious symbols is part of public policy and morality as a ground of refusal trademark registration or prohibition of advertising. Third section focuses on the practice of Lithuania, international, European Union and other countries national court or authorities examining cases regarding refusal to register trademark or prohibition of advertising contrary to protection of religious symbols. In this part author reveals the main criteria to trademark or advertising examination and problem aspects of cohesion between protection of religious symbols and freedom of expression.

This master thesis provides the analysis of protection of religious symbols as part of public policy and morality in trademark law and advertising law. The thesis consists of three parts. First part presents cohesion between religion, law and morality and relationship between morality and public policy. First part findings are: with regard to separation of state and church constitutional principle, religion can not directly affect secular law, however, religion can make influence to secular law over morals principles. Also public morality should be interpreted as part of public policy, because universal morality does not exist. So protection of religious symbols is a part of public policy in this master thesis context. Second part focuses on analysis of Lithuania Law on Advertising and Trademark law norms related with protection of religious symbols. Following the evaluation of Europe Union acts, other countries regulation and Lithuania laws travaux préparatoires, is concluded that protection of religious symbols is not separate ground of refusal trademarks registration or prohibition of advertising, but protection of religious symbols is part of public policy and morality as a ground of refusal trademark registration or prohibition of advertising. Third section focuses on the practice of Lithuania, international, European Union and other countries national court or authorities examining cases regarding refusal to register trademark or prohibition of advertising contrary to protection of religious symbols. In this part author reveals the main criteria to trademark or advertising examination and problem aspects of cohesion between protection of religious symbols and freedom of expression.

This master thesis provides the analysis of protection of religious symbols as part of public policy and morality in trademark law and advertising law. The thesis consists of three parts. First part presents cohesion between religion, law and morality and relationship between morality and public policy. First part findings are: with regard to separation of state and church constitutional principle, religion can not directly affect secular law, however, religion can make influence to secular law over morals principles. Also public morality should be interpreted as part of public policy, because universal morality does not exist. So protection of religious symbols is a part of public policy in this master thesis context. Second part focuses on analysis of Lithuania Law on Advertising and Trademark law norms related with protection of religious symbols. Following the evaluation of Europe Union acts, other countries regulation and Lithuania laws travaux préparatoires, is concluded that protection of religious symbols is not separate ground of refusal trademarks registration or prohibition of advertising, but protection of religious symbols is part of public policy and morality as a ground of refusal trademark registration or prohibition of advertising. Third section focuses on the practice of Lithuania, international, European Union and other countries national court or authorities examining cases regarding refusal to register trademark or prohibition of advertising contrary to protection of religious symbols. In this part author reveals the main criteria to trademark or advertising examination and problem aspects of cohesion between protection of religious symbols and freedom of expression.

This master thesis provides the analysis of protection of religious symbols as part of public policy and morality in trademark law and advertising law. The thesis consists of three parts. First part presents cohesion between religion, law and morality and relationship between morality and public policy. First part findings are: with regard to separation of state and church constitutional principle, religion can not directly affect secular law, however, religion can make influence to secular law over morals principles. Also public morality should be interpreted as part of public policy, because universal morality does not exist. So protection of religious symbols is a part of public policy in this master thesis context. Second part focuses on analysis of Lithuania Law on Advertising and Trademark law norms related with protection of religious symbols. Following the evaluation of Europe Union acts, other countries regulation and Lithuania laws travaux préparatoires, is concluded that protection of religious symbols is not separate ground of refusal trademarks registration or prohibition of advertising, but protection of religious symbols is part of public policy and morality as a ground of refusal trademark registration or prohibition of advertising. Third section focuses on the practice of Lithuania, international, European Union and other countries national court or authorities examining cases regarding refusal to register trademark or prohibition of advertising contrary to protection of religious symbols. In this part author reveals the main criteria to trademark or advertising examination and problem aspects of cohesion between protection of religious symbols and freedom of expression.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

With the so-called war on terror launched by the USA in 2001, a new era started in one of the fields of the propaganda war -- the Internet. Ability to disseminate information to as wide as possible audience due to globality of the Internet has become a powerful mean of influence. Many Muslim politically engaged religiously motivated groups, who perceive themselves to be in the state of such war, create their own elaborate web-sites. "KavkazCenter" is just one of them. "KavkazCenter" declares itself to be a product of the Chechen Independent International Islamic Internet Agency, which was set up in 1999 in Grozny by the Chechen National Center for Strategic Research & Political Technologies. However, its content is somewhat problematic, as the site appears to have been solely a propaganda tool for the Chechen Jihadist group Riyadhu as-Salihin, led by the late Shamil Basayev, who often boasted about his organized bloody attacks, frequently against civilians. Lithuania first noticed the site in early 2003, when it started being serviced by a Lithuanian firm "Microlink Data," which at the time hosted the site on its server. Back then the Lithuanian State Security Department (SSD) declared the site to be free from terrorist propaganda & insisted it did not pose any threat to Lithuania, though it was known that the site had been earlier closed down in the USA & the UK. However, half a year later the very same SSD confiscated the server of the firm "Elneta," which at that time hosted the site, thus shutting down its operations from Lithuania. This launched a long marathon of legal deliberations going all the way up to the Constitutional Court. The case divided the Lithuanian public into two parts -- those, who considered the "KavkazCenter" to be an information agency of independence-seeking Chechen freedom fighters & those, who considered the site to contain terrorist propaganda. The "defenders" group was championed by some MPs, Soviet-era dissidents, while the "accusers" group was led by the SSD. The unfolding of the case revealed that both sides were ill-prepared to meet the challenge the site "KavkazCenter" had caused. One can argue that even state institutions were taken by surprise by it. This first of all applies to the SSD, who showed itself at its worst -- its lack of professionalism was astonishing. At the same time, gaps in legislation & by extension in the work of courts were exposed. Most journalists, who took to bashing of the SSD for presumed persecution of media on the freedom of expression grounds, displayed ignorance & lack of deeper insight into the case. The general public was left puzzled. Moreover, Russia's involvement, though often referred to in the media, has never been fully revealed. The epopee of the "KavkazCenter" in Lithuania sucked both the Lithuanian government & the general society into the whirlpool of the global information wars. And though the experience shows that most of the actors were ill-prepared or not prepared at all, the very experience is very useful -- it allowed for identifying of the weaknesses in political, legal & social life of the country. Learning from its mistakes, the society can progress & improve. It is plausible to hope that in the event of another "kavkazcentr," the Lithuanian government & non-state actors will be better informed & equipped to tackle the issue. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents a preliminary sketch of various approaches to religious diversity in contemporary societies. It argues that religious diversity is shaped by three important factors: the specific historical trajectory of a country's religious field, recent changes in the societies of the Global North through migration and the influx of "foreign" religions at an unprecedented scale, and the increasing relevance of the circulation of religious discourses and images in public life, especially through the media, for the perception of diversity. The article suggests paying special attention to the role of power relations in the wider society and to the impact of the state political framework in the analysis of the experience of and public debates about religious diversity.

The article presents a preliminary sketch of various approaches to religious diversity in contemporary societies. It argues that religious diversity is shaped by three important factors: the specific historical trajectory of a country's religious field, recent changes in the societies of the Global North through migration and the influx of "foreign" religions at an unprecedented scale, and the increasing relevance of the circulation of religious discourses and images in public life, especially through the media, for the perception of diversity. The article suggests paying special attention to the role of power relations in the wider society and to the impact of the state political framework in the analysis of the experience of and public debates about religious diversity.

The article presents a preliminary sketch of various approaches to religious diversity in contemporary societies. It argues that religious diversity is shaped by three important factors: the specific historical trajectory of a country's religious field, recent changes in the societies of the Global North through migration and the influx of "foreign" religions at an unprecedented scale, and the increasing relevance of the circulation of religious discourses and images in public life, especially through the media, for the perception of diversity. The article suggests paying special attention to the role of power relations in the wider society and to the impact of the state political framework in the analysis of the experience of and public debates about religious diversity.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.

The aim of the paper is to reconstruct and analyze Alvydas Jokubaitis's under-standing of politics. It is argued that Jokubaitis couples politics with morality in opposition to the liberal project of the autonomy of politics, which seeks to separate these two fields of human activity. According to Jokubaitis, politics is a realm of realization of the spiritual side of human nature. That is the reason why, through morality, he also tries to align poli-tics with other domains of human spirituality, such as religion and metaphysics. What is common to politics, morality, religion, and metaphysics is the sphere of normativity, i.e., that of purposes, principles, and imperatives. At the same time, Jokubaitis attacks those schools of modern thought which interpret politics as corresponding solely to the physical, animal side of human nature. In this regard, positivism and scientism are singled out as the crudest attempts to misconstrue the nature of politics. The paper is based on a convic-tion that the acknowledgement of the importance of morality allows one to piece together Jokubaitis's various considerations about the nature and distinctiveness of politics into a coherent whole.