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秦漢時代的國家制度和意識形態對後世影響深遠,而祭祀制度是國家制度的重要組成部份,也代表了國家所倡導的思想規範。地方祭祀包括地方政府主導的官方祭祀和民衆自發的信仰活動,是國家禮儀制度和社會風俗信仰的交叉地帶。秦漢的國家祭祀體系隨著統一的深入發生了從覆蓋全國的神祠到集中於南北郊的改革,儒家思想確立為主流意識形態;地方祠祀在此過程中的地位升降和面貌變化成為國家禮制和意識形態變動、確立的一個標誌。 ; 以天地日月、社稷五穀、自然現象、物怪神怪等為對象的地方祠祀與山川祭祀、人神祭祀共同構成了地方祭祀的圖景。山川神具有求雨、保護神、個人禱祀等不同面向的作用;地方官員對山川祭祀的參與、利用與反對,則是政治需求與社會實際的影響。人神祭祀的信仰對象包括先王仁人、地方名人、神仙和厲鬼等,人神祭祀的性質多存在轉換,官方祭祀與民間信仰互相吸收和借鑑;地方官員鼓勵地方賢人祭祀,反對妖巫祭祀,作為實施教化的手段。 ; 地方政府的祭祀是國家制度的一部分,中央機關也對地方政府的祠祀有監管作用。隨著國家祭祀的成立與變革,地方祭祀在國家祭祀中的地位先升後降,官方祭祀和民間信仰在地方祠祀處交會,東漢時期的地方祭祀有許多呈現官方和民間相結合的特徵。儒家式國家禮制的成立使得祀典與淫祀有了明確的邊界,但是這一界線受到經濟、社會等多種因素的影響,存在著相當的彈性。「禮俗合一」是儒家式的社會理想,士人試圖通過對地方祭祀的管理實施教化,移風易俗;但是祭祀活動的實踐與諸多現實因素有關,還有個人與偶然因素的作用,社會信仰始終包含多重屬性,以「禮俗合一」為理想,卻始終多種社會意識並存,成為中國古代社會的重要特徵。 ; As the beginning of a united empire, Qin and Han Dynasties had established the elementary state institution for dynasties hereafter. Qin and Han Dynasties absorbed and reconciled various religious traditions, including religions of all social classes and different regions in their efforts to set up a sacrificial system; and then turned to a Confucian-oriented sacrificial system with the reverence for Confucianism. Local cults, containing popular beliefs and sacrificial practice of local governments, stood in the overlapped place of state sacrificial system and popular beliefs, therefore the shifts of status and sacrificial practice of local cults can be a representative of the settlement of official ritual system. ; Miscellaneous Gods were worshiped throughout the empire. The groundwork of this research is to investigate the existence of different kinds of local cults and the sacrificial practices. Worship to mountains and rivers were indispensable in both official religion and popular belief, and all levels of sacrifices had multiple functions in local society. The approval or opposition of sacrificial ceremonies by local officials mostly depended on social reality. Human gods accounted for a large part in local cults, who were worshiped in different motivation and social surroundings. The proportion of respectable officials and ...

Prehistory to Unification -- The Qin/Han era -- The Tang dynasty -- The Song dynasty -- The Yuan dynasty -- The Ming dynasty -- The high Qing dynasty -- The late Qing dynasty -- The first decades of the Republic -- The war years -- The early PRC, 1949-1965 -- The Cultural Revolution, 1966-1976 -- The PRC reform era, 1978 to the present -- Global China -- Special categories of migrant

雍城作為秦都達300年之久,對秦政治、軍事、經濟、文化、宗教等方面的發展都發揮了很大的作用。此時期的秦文化既繼承了之前的西北、周文化傳統,又吸收了三晉、巴蜀、楚等地的文化特色,文化內涵漸趨豐富。前人對雍城的研究雖多,可是大多著重考古挖掘與都城結構兩方面,而較少從文化交流的角度分析相關議題。本文以前人研究為基礎,結合文獻與考古材料,先從「點」的層面開始,探討雍城所反映的春秋戰國之際,秦國的上層文化面貌。進而從「點」擴展至「線」的層面,縱向討論西周、春秋、戰國時期秦文化的演變,以及橫向考析天水、寶雞、西安地區不同等級的秦墓所反映的文化面貌。文中透過全面的整合與分析前人研究成果、文獻及考古材料,了解到秦國雖透過政治與軍事擴張而與「他者」文化接觸,但其文化發展卻沒有排他性。因此,秦國與「他者」的文化交流模式屬許倬雲所說的「傳播和擴散型」。 ; The city of Yong(雍城) was the capital of Qin state(秦國) for 300 years. During this period, Qin had experienced a great development from the area of politic, military, religion, culture to economy. This thesis deals mainly with the development of Qin's culture, and holds the opinion that Qin culture became sophisticated gradually with numerous cultural elements from the surrounding ethnic groups. Qin culture as a cultural complex, it inherited the traditions of Zhou(周), and absorbed cultural elements from the Northwest, Southwest and the Central Plain(中原). Archaeological researches on the city of Yong in the past fifty years have great achievements on Qin's early history, however, there is no consensus in regard to some aspects of the early Qin culture, such as the palace structure of the city of Yong. By investigating the documents and unearthed relics, including tombs, pottery and bronze vessels, this thesis examines the characteristics and changes of Qin culture during Western Zhou and Eastern Zhou periods, and analyzes the process and pattern of cultural communication between Qin and the Other. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 林淑娟. ; "2013年7月". ; "2013 nian 7 yue". ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-216). ; Abstract in Chinese and English. ; Lin Shujuan. ; Chapter 序章 --- 緒論 --- p.頁1 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 解題 ; Chapter (一) --- 「秦早期」與「雍城時期」 ; Chapter (二) --- 「文化」:群體、社會的生活方式 ; Chapter (三) --- 文化交流與相融:「自我」與「他者」的相互作用 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 前人研究綜述 ; Chapter (一) --- 半個世紀的雍城考古成果 ; Chapter (二) --- 秦早期中、小型墓研究概況 ; Chapter (三) --- 秦早期器物研究綜述 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 研究目的及各章重點 ; Chapter (一) --- ...

Includes bibliographical references (p. [487]-508) ; The papers collected in this anthology look at Chinese overseas, residing in five continents in the half century after the Second World War, from many new perspectives. Some papers raise questions about the Chinese diaspora in broad conceptual terms, and inquire into the meaning of being Chinese outside China. Other papers examine life in local communities, analysing how historical and contemporary circumstances affect their lives and the ways they negotiate their identity in the host country. In- depth case studies further bring out the complexity of the subject by identifying the range of variables, including the social, economic, political and cultural characteristics of the places of origin and destinations, as well as emigration and immigration policies, which affect the patterns of migration and the nature of settlement in any place at any time. This is especially highlighted in chapters using a comparative approach. With scholars from different disciplines, using different types of data, methodologies and theoretical tools, the richness of the subject matter becomes apparent ; published_or_final_version ; Preface / Sinn, Elizabeth pix ; Contributors pxi ; 1 Introduction: migration and new national identities / Wang, Gungwu p1 ; Glossary p485 ; Bibliography p487 ; Pt.I Overview p13 ; Pt.II Identity and ethnicity p63 ; Pt.III The diaspora in Europe p139 ; Pt.IV The Asia Pacific front p201 ; Pt.V New focus on Australia p277 ; Pt.VI.Chinese overseas in comparative perspectives ; Pt.VII Ethnicity, Religion and communal development and Qiaoxiang: Chinese overseas and the home village p423 ; 2 Upgrading the migrant: neither Huaqiao nor huaren / Wang, Gungwu p15 ; 3 Groundlessness and utopia: the Chinese diaspora and territory / Mung, Emmanuel Ma p35 ; 4 蕭玉燦主義的歷史命運 / 周南京 p49 ; 5 Preserving bukit China: the cultural politics of landscape interpretation in Melaka's Chinese cemetery / Cartier, Carolyn L. p65 ; 6 Representations of 'the Chinese' and 'ethnicity' in British racial discourse / Tam, Suk-tak p81 ; 7 Emerging British Chinese identities: issues and problems / Parker, David p91 ; 8 Integration or segregation: the Dutch and South African Chinese compared / Harris, Karen L. p115 ; 9 Chinese immigrants in Denmark after 1949: immigration patterns and development / Thuno, Mette p141 ; 10 Living among three walls? The peranakan Chinese in the Netherlands / Minghuan, Li p167 ; 11 The Chinese and Chinese districts in Paris / Guillon, Michelle p185 ; 12 Becoming 'Chinese Canadian': the genesis of a cultural category / Ng, Wing-chung p203 ; 13 Political participation amongst Chinese Canadians: the road to the 1993 election / Lary, Diana p217 ; 14 神戶的中國人與中國人社會 / 安井三吉 p229 ; 15 從日本華僑敎育的當地化傾向看日本華僑社會的當地化趨勢 / 朱慧玲 p241 ; 16 越南華人經濟形態的轉變(1975-1993) / 黃小堅 p261 ; 17 Astronaut families and parachute children: Hong Kong immigrants in Australia / Pe-Pua, Rogelia p279 ; 18 The changing characteristics of Chinese migrants to Australia during the 1980s and early 1990s / Coughlan, James E. p299 ; 19 Gold mountain no more: impressions of Australian society among recent Asian immigrants / Ip, David F. p347 ; 20 Chinese immigration to Australia and South Africa: a comparative analysis of legislative control / Harris, Karen L. p373 ; 21 Settlement experiences of recent Chinese immigrants in Australia: a comparison of settlers from Hong Kong, Taiwan and China / Wu, Chung-tong p391 ; 22 The role of the true jesus church in the communal development of the Chinese people in Elgin, Scotland / Liu, Garland p425 ; 23 現代中國少數民族人口境外遷移初探: 以新彊、雲南為例 / 譚天星 p447 ; 24 山東省日照市旅韓華僑的調查報告 / 晁中辰 p463 ; 25 戰後中國大陸客家人海外移民剖析: 梅州地區人口國際遷移情況的調查 / 黃靜 p475

本文通过比较的视角来探索中共政权对中国天主教会包括官方与地下教会的特殊控制及其原因。自中共建国后,对比与其同宗同源,同为近代外来宗教的基督新教,中国天主教会长期以来受到中共严厉的控制。同时,近三十年来,基督新教在中国发展迅猛,成为当代中国发展最快的宗教,而在晚清和国民党政权下,基督新教在中国的发展一直远远落后于天主教。本文试图对这两个特殊现象进行研究。 ; 对于中共的严厉控制,学界的普遍观点是将其归结为天主教会强大的外国背景和与梵蒂冈的关系; 而近三十年来基督新教在华迅猛发展的原因被认为是它改良的教义和积极的传教模式。然而,基督新教同样具有强大的外国背景,它改良的教义和传教模式自晚清起在中国并没有本质改变,为何只在中共政权下得到迅速发展?本文试图通过对比天主教与基督新教在教义与组织结构、在华传播模式与发展速度、在华对政治的参与等方面的差异,以及天主教会在中国与中共政权在意识形态与组织结构上的异同,来探索中共对天主教会的特殊对待是否存在更深层次的原因,并探讨两者之间是否存在不可调和的矛盾。 ; 笔者认为,作为一个意识形态与组织高度合一的政权,中共害怕任何有严密统一全国性组织的宗教,不管它是否有外国背景。而作为有全国性统一严密组织的宗教组织,天主教会在中国之所以没有像"一贯道"和"法轮功"一样被中共消灭掉,是因为其与梵蒂冈的关系。作为"国际性合法宗教",天主教得以在中国生存。与基督新教相比,天主教会在中国,作为一种保守的,不倾向于革命或改良的宗教组织,在主观上从未试图挑战政权,但是其政教合一的严密组织以及建立在儒家伦理和宗族(家族)基础上的稳定的网络结构,在客观上构成对中共政权的有力竞争与潜在威胁,因此受到中共严密控制。中共利用"自选自圣"的策略,保持天主教会在中国的分裂, 从而达到"分而治之"的目的。同时,中共保持天主教地下教会在中国有限度的存在,以维持其对中国天主教会的有效控制。 ; My research focuses on church-state relations in contemporary China, to explore whether or not the Catholic Church in China constitutes a threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. I am undertaking a comparative study of the CCP's religious control over the Catholic and Protestant churches in mainland China through the approach of state-society relations, as well as a macroscopic view of political science with quantitative and qualitative analysis. ; As they are both foreign-originated parts of Christianity, the Catholic Church has been subjected to much stricter controls from the mainland CCP since 1949 than the Protestant Churches. Furthermore, the Protestant churches have been the fastest growing religion in China in past three decades, but it had once grown relatively very slowly under late Qing and the KMT regimes, compared with the Catholicism. This research tries to explore these two strange phenomena, to study why the CCP has been so highly attentive towards the Catholic Church but has not eliminated it in mainland China. ; Through expounding the differences between the Catholic Church and the Protestant churches in religious doctrines, organizational structures, propagation models, as well as development ...

金山寺位於江蘇省鎮江市,這座今天依然著名的佛寺最初是當地祭拜水神蛇仙的場所。從公元820年代開始,金山佛寺出現,寺內拜佛的活動逐漸成為主流。這個民間拜蛇的場所,逐漸開始拜佛,這個轉變是中唐之後鎮江地區一系列社會變化的結果,闡述這些社會改變,便能大致揭示出鎮江納入王朝行政體系具體過程。 ; 金山寺所在的金山,在唐代是一個方圓到一公里的岩石島嶼。這裡祭祀水神蛇仙的記錄,最早可以追述至南朝。在這裡接受祭祀的水神蛇仙中,以白蛇為首位。從隋朝開始,隨著胡商在長江下游經營活動逐漸增加,金山小島上所祭祀的水神,同時融匯了江南本土水神蛇仙信仰和在華胡商的女神信仰兩方面的祭拜傳統。這種不同文化、不同祭祀傳統的融合,是通過商稅逐漸成為中唐王朝的主要經濟來源而逐步形成的。 ; 隨著唐玄宗初步確立的運河溝通南北的格局,運河於安史之亂後成為唐帝國的生命線,這一點令位於長江水道與運河水道相交匯的鎮江,以其經濟意義而成為王朝勢力的必爭之地。鎮江的地方官職(唐時稱潤州刺史)也從一個王朝官員畏懼的「凶闕」而一躍成為「望」職,常由宰相兼領。 ; 鎮江經濟地位的提升以及朝廷重臣的駐守,令王朝的行政體系高調出現在鎮江,並且引發了朝廷與地方勢力之爭。恰在此時,唐王朝的鹽政令朝廷成功獲得商人以及地方權貴的支持,北方朝廷與鎮江地方社會的衝突,在商人和權貴的介入下,得到了緩和。鎮江社會的結構出現了改變,編戶數量大增。 ; 隨著社會結構的轉變,王朝重臣同時成功地將王朝的文化成功地帶到了鎮江。從公元820年代開始,文化在鎮江出現的轉變,對於民間對於王朝的認同來說,是決定性的一步。鎮江的金山寺,不僅通過這種文化認同而被描述成佛寺,並且更成為當地代表北方文化的一個傳播中心。 ; 從此之後,金山寺便開始被官員和文人稱為"佛寺。雖然如此,金山島上的水神並沒有消失。這位號稱是白蛇的神靈,以其融匯在華胡商女性水神信仰而由老叟變成美婦。水神祭祀和對佛教的禮拜,在晚唐五代的金山寺中並行不悖,其表現形式,則是以佛教傳統為主導、水神祭祀為輔。晚唐金山寺逐漸成為遠近聞名的佛寺,從這個時候開始,鎮江便完成了其由化外之邦至化內之地的轉變。 ; Monastery Jinshan locates in Zhenjiang today. Though it is famous for its Buddhist rituals since 11th century, the monastery was originally a sacred palace for preying Water Gods of Snakes. Since the palace was first being addressed as "Buddhist monastery in mid 820s, the Buddhist tradition was recorded as the dominant one. The conversion from local serpent cult to state Buddhist Religion resulted from a mix of social transformations in Zhenjiang. Therefore, the converting process revealed the process of the place getting incorporated into the state during the transformation period of late Tang Dynasty (AD 618-903). ; During Tang Dynasty, Monastery Jinshan sat on a small rocky island in the middle of lower range of Yangzi River. The earliest record of serpent cult in the island could be traced back to late fourth century. Snake White led the pantheons of water gods in Zhenjiang, and the serpent cult in Zhenjing witnessed a profound transformation because of the foreign merchants who traveled around the lower range of Yangzi River in Sui and Tang Dynasties (AD 581-907). The foreign merchants of the time profiled their Water Gods as ...