Odresljivi prihranki ali kako skozi potrosnjo postati asketski
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 53-64
ISSN: 0353-4510
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In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 53-64
ISSN: 0353-4510
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 41-52
ISSN: 0353-4510
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 197-219
ISSN: 1845-6707
Rad iznosi djelomične nalaze istraživanja hrvatskog narodnjaštva, tj. etnonacionalizma kao religije (u smislu ljudskog izmišljanja svetog).* Praktični su problemi sljedeći: narodnjaštvo kao religija, koja među ostalim uključuje to da narod ima mogućnost i/ili sposobnost da se razvije u nositelja države i da treba to i da postane; posljedice narodnjaštva, a to su nedostižnost narodne demokracije, narodne privrede i narodnog sazrijevanja; vjere u narod, i to prvenstveno Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj kao uvjeta od 1961. do 1971. te prije i nakon toga, naročito nakon 1990. Teorijski su problemi, tj. neodgovarajuće znanstveno znanje o praktičnima, sljedeći: prvo, odluke Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske o etničkim i vjerskim zajednicama; drugo, sustavna historija prava i države Hrvatske i Jugoslavije 1945.-1990.; treće, preobrazba komunizma i katolicizma u narodnjaštvo; četvrto i peto, društvena struktura i predstavljanje/zastupanje. Da bi se postigla opća svrha istraživačkog projekta, a to je upotreba razuma u javnim poslovima, istraživanje je provedeno u teorijsko-metodologijskom okviru integralne teorije prava i države koji uključuje prilagođenu Lasswellovu i McDougalovu političku analizu proširenu historijskim institucionalizmom i kritičkom teorijom prava. Glavna je hipoteza da je vjera u narod kao nositelja države izražena i ustanovljena odredbama Ustava RH da je RH nastala samoodređenjem naroda i/ili da je nacionalna država jednog ili više naroda; da je narod suveren; da pravo na državljanstvo RH imaju pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda; da pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda imaju posebna politička prava itd. Dopunska je hipoteza da je puku RH ili, pravno određenije, da je stanovnicima RH s biračkim pravom u RH smanjena vlast, a time i moć u odlučivanju o članstvu RH u transnacionalnim organizacijama, naime NATO-u i EU, te su oni sami svedeni na pravno neprepoznatljiv sastojak time što se u RH ne zna tko čini bilo puk bilo ustav. ; The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjaštvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capacity to develop into, and ought to become, a substratum of the (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-1971, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. The theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include inter alia Croatian Constitutional law, esp. jurisprudence of the Croatian Constitutional Court, on powers of ethnicities and disabilities of the people. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological Framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The paper attempts to demonstrate that there is strong evidence to support the following two chiefly descriptive hypotheses, which are ideal types and as such cannot be supported by conclusive evidence. The main hypothesis is that the faith in a narod as a substratum of the state is expressed and established by the provisions of the Croatian Constitution stating that the Republic of Croatia was created by the self-determination of a narod and/or is a nation-state of a narod, or of two or several narodi; a narod is sovereign; adherents of a narod have the right to Croatian nationality; adherents of a narod have special political rights, etc. The auxiliary hypothesis is that the people (Croatian: puk) or, juridically more precise, inhabitants of the Republic of Croatia with the right to vote have lost a part of their power to decide on the membership of the Republic of Croatia in transnational organisations, namely, NATO and EU, and have been reduced to a legally unrecognizable entity by virtue of the fact that in the Republic of Croatia it is not known what makes either its people or its constitution.
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U ovom se radu promišlja i analizira odnos individualnog i socijalnog/grupnog identiteta na primjeru suvremene Bosne i Hercegovine. Ukazuje se na tjeskobu i nelagodu pojedinaca i grupa koji grade svoj grupni identitet na obilježjima i vrijednostima druge kulture kojoj zapravo ne pripadaju. Na taj način, pojedinac se fzički nalazi u svojoj zemlji/državi, a pod utjecajem politike i obrazovne politike, duhovno živi u nekom drugom okruženju. Takvi pojedinci najčešće postaju apatridi2, a da toga nisu svjesni, niti oni niti kreatori takve obrazovne politike. Oni se obrazovanjem udaljavaju od vlastite zajednice i kulture u kojoj žive i deklariraju pripadnicima neke druge kulture s kojom ih veže najčešće samo jedan od zajedničkih nazivnika, npr. religija. Na drugoj strani, pojedinci u BiH koji sebe svrstavaju u kategoriju ostali, ne grade svoj identitet isključivo na vjerskoj i nacionalnoj osnovi, oni ne teže biti što različitiji niti ekskluzivniji od ostalih svojih sunarodnjaka, oni svoje odnose s drugima utemeljuju na sličnostima i oni ne poimaju svoj identitet utemeljen isključivo na pripadnosti jednom od konstitutivnih naroda, iako im je to na neki način Ustavom zadano. Grupaciju ostali čine deklarirani patrioti BiH, čvrsto utemeljeni na svojoj zemlji, u svojoj domovini i nastoje graditi i oblikovati kompleksni bosansko-hercegovački socijalni identitet. Ova inverzija u kojoj se iz Ustavom defniranih konstitutivnih naroda zbog krize identiteta regrutiraju apatridi, i gdje ostali, iako im Ustav uskraćuje mnoga prava, postaju istinski patrioti, je jedinstven primjer koji, postoji samo u BiH i koji je uz sve druge okolnosti snažno potaknut obrazovnim sustavom. ; Tis paper considers and analyzes the relationship between individual and social / group identity on the example of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. It points to the anxiety and discomfort of individuals and groups that build on its identity on the characteristics and values of other cultures which does not belong. In this way, the individual is physically located in your country / state, and under the influence of policy and education policy, the spiritual lives in another okruženju.Takvi individuals usually become stateless, without being aware of it, neither they nor the creators of such educational policies. Tey are educated away from their own communities and cultures in which they live, and declare themselves members of another culture that binds them most ofen only one common denominator, for example, Religions. On the other hand, individuals in BiH who himself into the category of others, do not build your identity solely on religious and national basis, they do not tend to be as diverse or more exclusive than the rest of their countrymen, they do their relationships with others founded on the similarities and they do not perceive their identity is based solely on the origin of these peoples, although it is in some way the Constitution default. Other group consists of BiH patriots declared, frmly established on their land, in their home country and seek to build and shape the complex Bosnian-Herzegovinian social identity. Te inversion in which the Constitution defned the constituent peoples due to identity crisis recruited stateless, and where else, if their constitution denied many rights, they become true patriots, is a unique example of that, there is only in BiH and that is with all the other circumstances strongly driven by educational system. ; Dieses Papier ist der Auffassung, und analysiert die Beziehung zwischen individuellen und sozialen / Gruppenidentität auf dem Beispiel der modernen Bosnien und Herzegowina. Es weist auf die Angst und Beschwerden von Einzelpersonen und Gruppen, die auf ihrer Identität auf die Eigenschafen und Werte anderer Kulturen, die nicht gehört zu bauen. Auf diese Weise wird die individuelle körperlich in Ihrem Land / Staat befndet, und unter dem Einfluss von Politik und Bildungspolitik, die spirituellen Leben in einem anderen okruženju.Takvi Individuen in der Regel werden Staatenlose, ohne es zu wissen, weder sie noch die Schöpfer solcher Bildungspolitik. Sie sind weg von ihren eigenen Gemeinschafen und Kulturen, in denen sie leben, erzogen und erklären sich Angehörige einer anderen Kultur, die sie bindet meist nur einen gemeinsamen Nenner, zum Beispiel. Die Religionen. Auf der anderen Seite, Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina, der sich in die Kategorie der anderen, nicht Ihre Identität zu bauen ausschließlich auf religiöse und nationale Basis, sie nicht dazu neigen, so vielfältig und exklusiver als der Rest ihrer Landsleute zu sein, haben sie ihre Beziehungen mit anderen auf die Ähnlichkeiten gegründet und sie nicht wahrnehmen ihre Identität beruht ausschließlich auf den Ursprung dieser Völker basiert, auch wenn es in irgendeiner Weise die Verfassung Standard. Andere Gruppe besteht aus BiH Patrioten erklärt, auf ihrem Land fest etabliert, in ihrem Heimatland und zu versuchen, zu bauen und gestalten die komplexen bosnisch-herzegowinischen soziale Identität. Die Umkehrung, in der die Verfassung defniert die Volksgruppen aufgrund von Identitätskrise rekrutiert Staatenlose, und wo sonst, wenn ihre Verfassung verweigert viele Rechte, wahre Patrioten werden sie, ist ein einzigartiges Beispiel dafür gibt es nur in Bosnien und Herzegowina, und das ist mit all den anderen Umständen stark vom Bildungs angetrieben Systems.
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