In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.
This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.
Viele Studien haben bisher das Bild des Orients und des arabischen Raums bei Goethe untersucht, wie Goethe die anderen Kulturen und Literaturen sah. Meine Arbeit jedoch nähert sich dem Thema erstmals, wenn man so will, von der anderen Seite. Denn sie steht unter den Leitfragen: Wie ist das Bild Goethes in der arabischen Welt konturiert? Wie wurde und wird Goethe in der arabischen Literatur dargestellt? Die vorliegende Studie untersucht die Schwerpunkte der arabischen Rezeption deutscher Literatur vom 20. bis zu den Anfängen des 21. Jahrhunderts, wobei insbesondere auf Johann Wolfgang von Goethe und seinen Briefroman Die Leiden des jungen Werthers Bezug genommen wird. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die Entwicklung der Rezeption, also die Interaktion zwischen Leser und Text, ohne dabei die Rolle des ursprünglichen Autors zu vernachlässigen. Als theoretische Grundlage der Forschung dient die Rezeptionstheorie von Hans Robert Jauß, in welcher der historisch-ästhetische Erwartungshorizont der literarischen Erfahrung im Zentrum steht, wobei das Werk-Rezipient-Verhältnis sowohl die Aktivierung wie auch die Obejktivierung dieser Erwartung umfasst. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei vor allem auf der Frage, wie die deutsche Literatur von den Arabern zunächst übersetzt und gelesen, insbesondere aber darauf, mit welcher Wahrscheinlichkeit sie gemäß ihren intendierten Aussagen rezipiert wird. So ist etwa die Arbeit des Übersetzers bei der Auswahl des zu übertragenden Stoffes sehr entscheidend. In der angemessenen Übertragung etwa bildlicher Sprache liegt auch ein schöpferischer Aspekt, und die Übersetzung literarischer Texte, für die ihre ästhetische Form konstitutiv ist, unterscheidet sich somit stark von Übersetzungen von Texten, bei denen die Vermittlung von Informationen im Vordergrund steht. Unter diesem Blickwinkel wird die Übersetzung selbst als Prozess der Rezeption betrachtet, im dem der Übersetzer als ein erster Leser fungiert, der vor allem die Wirkung des literarischenTextes mitrezipiert und innerhalb seines Kulturkreises ...
Refleksja nad historią stabilizacji krajów, które przeżyły poważne konflikty zbrojne, może być istotna w rozważaniach na temat szans stabilizacji współczesnych obszarów pokonfliktowych. Kanada znajduje się w kolejnej fazie formowania narodowej tożsamości, która polega na poszukiwaniu własnego odpowiednika amerykańskiej religii obywatelskiej (civil religion). Obecnie podejmowane w dyskursie politycznym próby (re)konstrukcji tożsamościowej społeczeństwa kanadyjskiego mają na celu utrwalenie konsensusu co do trwałości ustroju federalnego i stabilności społecznej. Próby te z jednej strony oparte są na dekonstrukcji tożsamości etnicznej (jako nieistotnej w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie zglobalizowanego świata), z drugiej natomiast – na promowanych prze elity polityczne ideach nacjonalizmu politycznego i ekspansjonizmu w Arktyce. Kanadę postrzegać trzeba zatem nie jako "państwo narodowe" ani "naród upaństwowiony", lecz wciąż jako "państwo znajdujące się w procesie unarodowienia". ; The reflection on the history of stabilization of countries that have experienced serious armed conflicts may be inspiring to consider the chances of stabilization of modern post-conflict areas. Canada is in the next phase of forming a national identity, which consists of searching for its own counterpart of the American civil religion. The current attempts at identity reconstruction of Canadian society in the political discourse are aimed at consolidating the consensus on the permanence of the federal system and social stability. These attempts are based, on the one hand, on the deconstruction of ethnic identity as unimportant in the modern society of the globalized world. On the other hand, political elites promote the ideas of political nationalism and expansionism in the Arctic. Therefore, Canada must be perceived not as a "national state" nor "nation nationalized", but still as a "nation in the process of nationalization".
Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.
Los reyes y emperadores de la Casa de Austria fueron durante siglos los defensores de la religión católica y la Iglesia de Roma. Los monarcas españoles pertenecientes a este linaje hicieron de la defensa de la Fe cristiana un eje esencial de su práctica política, estableciendo un pacto con Dios con un objetivo confeso: una realeza legítima para un planeta católico. Esta alianza será representada en las artes propagandísticamente en las numerosas recreaciones pintadas de la batalla naval de Lepanto, que muestran a Dios, la Virgen y los santos tomando parte en el combate y decidiendo su suerte. Varios cuadros de la Corte de Felipe II dejan entrever las complejas claves dinásticas, espirituales y simbólicas de un momento crucial de la monarquía hispánica. ; For centuries, the Habsburg kings and emperors were defenders of the Catholic religion and the Church of Rome. The Spanish monarchs belonging to this lineage made the defence of the Christian faith a fundamental core of their political practice, establishing a pact with God with a declared objective: legitimate royalty for a Catholic planet. This alliance would be represented as propaganda in the arts in the many painted recreations of the naval battle of Lepanto, showing God, the Virgin and the saints taking part in the combat and deciding its destiny. Various paintings from the Court of Philip II reveal the complex dynastic, spiritual and symbolic keys to a crucial moment for the Hispanic monarchy.
This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.
The Turkish history huge efforts aimed at modernization and determination to equal Western European countries in the fi eld of respecting human rights. The secularisation process carried out during the Mustafa Kemal Pasha resulted in Turkey being the only Muslim country, were the principle of separation of religion from the state is obligatory (at least formally). The last military coup (in 1980), activities of non-governmental organizations and the infl uence of the European Union in relation to the accession process resulted in gradual improvement of the situation of women in Turkey. The European Union indirectly supported opposition feminist's movement which emerged in new political situation. Nevertheless, gender segregation is still visible on the streets of Istanbul and in the workplaces - women are employed in places less exposed to social contacts, they are paid lower pay, and they often work in the informal sector without a benefi t of social security. Finally, it is worth to point out some similarities between Poland and Turkey. At the beginning of XX century agriculture and monotheistic religion dominated in both countries. Both countries, albeit for different reasons, reclaimed independence after World War I. In both countries strong leaders took over, reforming and modernizing the country. Both leaders, Józef Piłsudski and Mustafa Kemal sympathised with the postulates of female organizations in respect to voting rights and access to education35. For many years, in both countries the dominant role model for women was a mother (also mother of the nation) or a virgin. However, following different ideologies, equality of women in employment was promoted. In Poland and in Turkey gender inequality in marriage has never been opposed, while the phenomenon of domestic violence was concealed. Moreover, in the eighties and nineties of the XX century, both countries: Turkey and Poland underwent liberalizing political changes. Women have become their benefi - ciaries, but they also have been their motive power. ...
In Madīḥ al-karāhiya (The Praise of Hatred, 2006), Syrian novelist Khālid Khalīfa devotes his art to the literary representation of martyrdom. In this novel, the relationship between body, violence and identity is explored in order to represent and challenge any form of repression—be it political or religious—that ravaged Syria during the 1980s. The novel's female protagonist is a teenager from a Muslim family of Aleppo. Upset by the changes that are happening to her body—she is becoming a woman—her wish to escape sexual desire and to conceal the signs of her femininity brings her closer to a group of Muslim extremists who practice armed struggle. By focusing on this female character, Khālid Khalīfa questions the role of violence and religion in the process of the individual's subjectivation. The adolescent female body becomes the symbol of the individual's rejection of norms, a nonconformism that cannot be accepted by society. For the protagonist, martyrdom is the means to define her individual identity and to appropriate her body by imposing it on the public space and on her community. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; Dans Madīḥ al-karāhiya (L'éloge de la haine), roman publié en 2006, l'écrivain syrien Ḫālid Ḫalīfa se consacre à la représentation littéraire du martyre. Dans cette œuvre, la relation entre corps, violence et identité devient un moyen pour représenter et contester toute forme de pouvoir répressif – politique et religieux – ayant ravagé la Syrie pendant les années 1980. La protagoniste est une adolescente – issue d'une famille musulmane d'Alep – bouleversée par les changements de son corps. Sa volonté d'échapper à ses désirs sexuels et à la manifestation de plus en plus visible de sa féminité entraîne son rapprochement d'un groupe d'extrémistes musulmans qui pratiquent la lutte armée. En portant son attention sur l'individu féminin, Ḫālid Ḫalīfa s'interroge sur le rôle de la violence liée à la religion dans les processus de subjectivation des individus. Le corps féminin adolescent devient le symbole de ...
The aim of this article is to analyze the manner in which the chosen Polish weekly news magazines – Newsweek, Polityka and Wprost – presented Africa in the years 2001–2010, mainly the problems of its current situation and prospects for the future, as well as the issue of the most prominent leaders of the continent. Using two research methods – content analysis and discourse analysis – the author establishes that none of the magazines published articles about Africa in a systematic planned manner. The magazines focused mainly on political and security issues. Economy, societies and religions were also on the agenda but to a lesser extent. The problems of the continent were often presented through the activities taken by the dictators – Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe. As far as the perspectives of Africa for the future are concerned, the most critical and pessimistic was Wprost, whereas Newsweek and Polityka took a more optimistic approach to the issue.
In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
Scopo principale del presente lavoro è l'analisi della teoria ermeneutica elaborata dallo studioso egiziano Naṣr Hāmid Abū Zayd (1943-2010) per l'interpretazione del testo sacro dell'islam. Il suo pensiero, esempio vivente di dialogo interculturale, è capace di recuperare 'verità' nuove che si compongono di elementi nati e cresciuti in seno alla cultura arabo-islamica, ma anche di criteri ermeneutici e verità teorizzate nel mondo occidentale per costruire una nuova ermeneutica umanistica e democratica. Umanistica, poiché si concentra sull'elemento umano della relazione con il divino, dando nuovo valore ad un'umanità che, nel pensiero tradizionalista, ha perso la propria libertà di azione e di pensiero; democratica perché attraverso l'apertura agli altri, intesi in senso culturale, e sul fondamento di una visione antidogmatica e pluralista della verità e della religione, è un'ermeneutica aperta al dialogo e al confronto che tende a custodire e promuovere la possibilità per ogni uomo, musulmano e non, di accedere liberamente al Corano e alla cultura arabo-islamica.
El presente trabajo trata de demostrar que el pronunciamiento en la Galia del césar Juliano contra el emperador legítimo, su primo Constancio II, hijo de Constantino, fue la culminación de un proyecto soñado desde que de niño vivió en directo el asesinato de la mayoría de los miembros de su familia paterna, incluido su padre, en una revuelta de soldados que estaba inspirada por el propio emperador. La amargura de su niñez y juventud, apartado de la corte y en el exilio, sin familiares ni amigos, fue un campo abonado para quienes defendían en distintas ciudades del Imperio y desde puestos de poder los intereses de su familia desaparecida. Entre ellos se encontraba una buena parte de los fi lósofos neoplatónicos y rétores paganos que veían con acritud la persecución de las religiones tradicionales por un emperador cristiano e intolerante. La conjunción de una serie de circunstancias, ajenas en gran parte al propio Juliano, permitió que éste contase con el apoyo militar y político para poder llevar a cabo, una vez enviado a la Galia como césar para defender sus fronteras, el motín que le convirtió primero en Augusto de Occidente y poco después de todo el Imperio. ; Th is work attempts to show that the rebellion in Gaul of the Caesar Julian against the legitimate emperor, his cousin Constantius II, son of Constantine, was the culmination of a project he had dreamed of ever since, as a child, he had witnessed the murders of most members of his father's family, including his father himself, in a revolt by soldiers inspired by the Emperor himself. Th e bitterness of his childhood and youth, kept away from the court and in exile, without family or friends,was fertile ground for those who, in diff erent cities of the Empire and in positions of power, upheld the interests of his dead family. Among these were a good proportion of Neo-Platonic philosophers and pagan rhetoricians who watched bitterly as the traditional religions were persecuted by an intolerant Christian Emperor. Th e conjunction of a series of circumstances, largely beyond the control of Julian himself, meant he received the military and political support so that, once he had been sent to Gaul as Caesar to defend its frontiers, he could carry out the rebellion that made him Emperor, fi rst of the West, and then of the whole Empire.
The Syrian event formed a social laboratory that can test various theories of social sciences. Given the intensity of the conflict and the depth of the fluctuations and changes created, there are clear horizontal and vertical divisions and overlapping of the Syrian society's political attitudes towards what is happening. The importance of demographic factors in this regard was remarkable, which is an opportunity to study the factors that determine the political attitude and highlight the demographic factors. Due to the special circumstances of Syria and the difficulty of reaching all segments of society, we chose to study the political attitude of the Syrian students at Mardin Artuklu University. We distributed a questionnaire on a random sample and 212 could be accepted. After carrying out the statistical analysis of the data it was found that the most important demographic factors contributing to determining the age of political attitude, Where the older segments of the youth tended to opposition mood, and the ethnic factor, where it was found that Arabs have an attitude closer to the opposition mood compared to Kurds. While there was no significant effect on the factors such as religion, financial situation and gender.
