Suchergebnisse

In many of its areas, the writing of music history in Germany is characterised by the Romantic music outlook and its "Two-World-Model": the real world is seen as opposing the ideal world of music as a higher existence of ideas and ideals. Art music in the emphatic sense, commonly designated as serious music, pretends to represent that ideal world and makes claims to truthfulness. The science of music actually believes it is able to prove the universality of these claims. A large part of musicological publications are characterised by this assumption. However, a public discussion among musicologists as to whether such writings should belong to the field of theology rather than to historico-critical historiography (as a science in the strict sense) is non-existent. As a result, our field has not only disappeared from a public sphere that wishes to leave those claims to small elitist circles, but has also encountered a growing lack of understanding among other disciplines, even to the point of mockery. It would suffice here to refer to the lawyer Bernhard Weck, who wrote with regard to Beethoven's Opus 112: "Only musicology could prove that 'political ideas of freedom can be expressed through gestures of sound.'" ; У многим својим сегментима, писање историја музике у Немачкој карактерише романтичарска визура и њен "модел два света": реални свет се посматра као супротстављен идеалном свету музике као вишем ступњу постојања идеја и идеала. Уметничка музика у изворном смислу, обично означена термином "озбиљна музика", претвара се да представља тај идеалан свет и претендује на истинитост. Наука о музици заиста верује да може да докаже универзалност ових тврдњи. Знатан број музиколошких публикација карактерише ова претпоставка. Међутим, јавна дискусија међу музиколозима о томе да ли такви списи треба да припадају области теологије, а не историјско-критичкој историографији (као науци у строгом смислу) не постоји. Као резултат тога, наше поље није само нестало из јавне сфере, која жели да те тврдње остави малим елитистичким круговима, већ је наишло и на све већи недостатак разумевања међу другим дисциплинама, чак и до тачке ругања. Довољно је да се позовемо на речи адвоката Бернарда Века (Bernhard Weck), који је у вези са Бетовеновим опусом 112 написао: "Само музикологија може доказати да се 'политичке идеје слободе могу изразити звучним гестовима'." ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

Познато је, и у научној литератури мање-више елаборирано да је повратак религији на подручју бивше СФРЈ ишао руку под руку са стварањем нових националних држава и успостављањем нових/старих етничких граница и идентитета. Због тога је логично што се ова појава често квалификује као религија нације и национализма. Међутим, из ове квалификације често изостаје увид у чињеницу да је повратак религији значио и повећање интересовања за религијска учења и знања, те масовније учествовање у црквеним обредима. Иако је извесно да од високог процента оних који су се на последњем попису идентификовали као православни Срби сасвим мали део одлази на активне вернике, евидентна обнова унутрашњег, литургијског живота Цркве сугерише одређена питања и опрезност при етикетирању савремених облика религиозности и улоге Цркве у њиховом формирању. Историјске околности које доводе до појаве религије нације у Србији у 19. веку чине оправданом хипотезу да религија нације ни тада, а ни данас није изникла из крила Цркве, већ да се она појављује као државни/секуларни идеолошки пројекат, чије су везе са религијом сасвим нерелигијске природе. Да бих поткрепила ову тврдњу, покушаћу да установим и покажем шта се налазило у основама ове световне религије 19. века, те да одговорим на питање начина обликовања њених садржаја. Ово ћу учинити на основу анализе политичке употребе мртвих тела, тј. доношења посмртних остатака Вука Караџића из Беча у Београд и обнављања гроба Доситеја Обрадовића том приликом. ; It is widely known and has been more or less elaborated in scientific literature that return to religion in the area of former SFRY was conducted hand-in-hand with the development of the new national states and establishment of new/old ethnic borders and identities. This is why it is logical that this phe- nomenon is frequently qualified as the religion of the nation and nationalism. However, this qualification frequently lacks insight into the fact that return to religion also meant increased interest in religious teachings and dogmas, as well as greater attendance at Church rituals. Even though it is certain that, among the large percentage of those who declared themselves as Orthodox Serbs during the last Census, a very small number of them are actually active believers; thus, the evident restoration of the internal, liturgical life of the Church suggests certain issues and advises prudence in labeling modern forms of religiousness and the role of the Church in their development. Historical conditions which led to the phenomenon of religion of the nation in Serbia in 19 century justify the hypothesis that religion of the nation was not, and still is not, something to have sprouted out under the auspices of the Church, but that it has occurred as a state/secular ideological project, whose links to religion are of purely non-religious nature. In order to corroborate this statement, I will try to determine and show what was in the basis of this secular religion of 19 century, and answer the question relating to the manner in which its content was shaped. I will do this based on an analysis of political use of dead bodies, i.e. relocation of mortal remains of Vuk Karadžić from Vienna to Belgrade, and restoration of the grave of Dositej Obradović, which was performed on the same occa- sion.

The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Refleksja nad historią stabilizacji krajów, które przeżyły poważne konflikty zbrojne, może być istotna w rozważaniach na temat szans stabilizacji współczesnych obszarów pokonfliktowych. Kanada znajduje się w kolejnej fazie formowania narodowej tożsamości, która polega na poszukiwaniu własnego odpowiednika amerykańskiej religii obywatelskiej (civil religion). Obecnie podejmowane w dyskursie politycznym próby (re)konstrukcji tożsamościowej społeczeństwa kanadyjskiego mają na celu utrwalenie konsensusu co do trwałości ustroju federalnego i stabilności społecznej. Próby te z jednej strony oparte są na dekonstrukcji tożsamości etnicznej (jako nieistotnej w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie zglobalizowanego świata), z drugiej natomiast – na promowanych prze elity polityczne ideach nacjonalizmu politycznego i ekspansjonizmu w Arktyce. Kanadę postrzegać trzeba zatem nie jako "państwo narodowe" ani "naród upaństwowiony", lecz wciąż jako "państwo znajdujące się w procesie unarodowienia". ; The reflection on the history of stabilization of countries that have experienced serious armed conflicts may be inspiring to consider the chances of stabilization of modern post-conflict areas. Canada is in the next phase of forming a national identity, which consists of searching for its own counterpart of the American civil religion. The current attempts at identity reconstruction of Canadian society in the political discourse are aimed at consolidating the consensus on the permanence of the federal system and social stability. These attempts are based, on the one hand, on the deconstruction of ethnic identity as unimportant in the modern society of the globalized world. On the other hand, political elites promote the ideas of political nationalism and expansionism in the Arctic. Therefore, Canada must be perceived not as a "national state" nor "nation nationalized", but still as a "nation in the process of nationalization".

Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.

This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.

The Turkish history huge efforts aimed at modernization and determination to equal Western European countries in the fi eld of respecting human rights. The secularisation process carried out during the Mustafa Kemal Pasha resulted in Turkey being the only Muslim country, were the principle of separation of religion from the state is obligatory (at least formally). The last military coup (in 1980), activities of non-governmental organizations and the infl uence of the European Union in relation to the accession process resulted in gradual improvement of the situation of women in Turkey. The European Union indirectly supported opposition feminist's movement which emerged in new political situation. Nevertheless, gender segregation is still visible on the streets of Istanbul and in the workplaces - women are employed in places less exposed to social contacts, they are paid lower pay, and they often work in the informal sector without a benefi t of social security. Finally, it is worth to point out some similarities between Poland and Turkey. At the beginning of XX century agriculture and monotheistic religion dominated in both countries. Both countries, albeit for different reasons, reclaimed independence after World War I. In both countries strong leaders took over, reforming and modernizing the country. Both leaders, Józef Piłsudski and Mustafa Kemal sympathised with the postulates of female organizations in respect to voting rights and access to education35. For many years, in both countries the dominant role model for women was a mother (also mother of the nation) or a virgin. However, following different ideologies, equality of women in employment was promoted. In Poland and in Turkey gender inequality in marriage has never been opposed, while the phenomenon of domestic violence was concealed. Moreover, in the eighties and nineties of the XX century, both countries: Turkey and Poland underwent liberalizing political changes. Women have become their benefi - ciaries, but they also have been their motive power. ...

The aim of this article is to analyze the manner in which the chosen Polish weekly news magazines – Newsweek, Polityka and Wprost – presented Africa in the years 2001–2010, mainly the problems of its current situation and prospects for the future, as well as the issue of the most prominent leaders of the continent. Using two research methods – content analysis and discourse analysis – the author establishes that none of the magazines published articles about Africa in a systematic planned manner. The magazines focused mainly on political and security issues. Economy, societies and religions were also on the agenda but to a lesser extent. The problems of the continent were often presented through the activities taken by the dictators – Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe. As far as the perspectives of Africa for the future are concerned, the most critical and pessimistic was Wprost, whereas Newsweek and Polityka took a more optimistic approach to the issue.

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

The Republic of Serbia has introduced special circumstances for the determination of sentence for hate crime in the Criminal Code amended in December 2012. If a criminal offence is committed through hate based on race or religion, national or ethnic affiliation, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity of another, the court shall consider any aggravating factors except when it is not stipulated as a feature of the criminal offence. However, the State still neglects to consider mitigating factors. Moreover, it does not pay sufficient attention to eliminating verbal expressions of hatred and discrimination that often precede crimes motivated by hate. The paper discusses the possibility of improving education and coordinated activities of the State, particularly of courts, prosecutors, police and local self-governments, to combat hate speech and hate crimes. The aim of the paper is to present mechanisms of improving institutional capacities to prevent these phenomena that have been implemented within the project "Implementation of Anti-Discrimination Policies in Serbia" financed by the European Union. The paper concludes that central to the success of this process are the education of state actors, and the development of a value system based on equality and acceptance of diversity.

Der Artikel behandelt die Veränderungen in der Bevölkerungsstruktur Thorns und des Landkreises Thorn von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis einschließlich zur Zwischenkriegszeit. Er enthält eine Analyse von statistischem Material, das aus verschiedenen Arten von Quellen gewonnen wurde. Für den Zeitraum von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Jahr 1914 wurden statistische Zusammenstellungen für einzelne Landkreise Westpreußens aus den Jahren 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 und 1910 ausgewertet. Ebenfalls ausgewertet wurden Informationen aus preußischen Statistiken für den Zeitraum des 19. und den Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Für die Zwischenkriegszeit waren die Bevölkerungsregister von 1921 und 1931 sehr hilfreich. Darin geht es um die Situation der Bevölkerung, der Konfessionen, der Nationalitäten und der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in diesem Zeitraum auf dem Gebiet von Thorn und des Landkreises. Thorn war während dieses gesamten Zeitraums ein wichtiges Industriezentrum, aber es war auch eine Festung und besaß eine Garnison, was schon seit der preußischen Zeit großen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung der Stadt und ihren Charakter hatte. Die Landgemeinden und die Gutsbezirke waren hauptsächlich landwirtschaftliches Terrain, das in seiner konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur differenziert war. Eine kurze Betrachtung der statistisch-demografischen Informationen ergibt ein Bild von enormen Veränderungen in der konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur der Bevölkerung, wobei der 1. Weltkrieg und die Wiedererlangung der Unabhängigkeit durch Polen eine Schlüsselgrenze bilden. Dies war eine Folge des Prozesses der Repolonisierung, der in den zwanziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts auf dem Gebiet des gesamten Landkreises stattfand. Die zahlenmäßige Vergrößerung der katholischen Bevölkerung und der deutliche Abfall der deutschen und evangelischen Bevölkerung (auch wenn Bekenntnis und Nationalität nicht einfach identifiziert werden dürfen) spiegelten die politischen Veränderungen und die Neuschöpfung des polnischen Staats nach über 100 Jahren wider. ; The article discusses the issue of changes in the structure of the population of Toruń and the Toruń county from the second half of the 19th century to the interwar period. The article contains an analysis of statistical material obtained from various types of sources. For the period of the second half of the 19th century to 1914, statistical summaries were used for individual counties of West Prussia for the years 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 and 1910. Information from Prussian statistics for the period of the 19th and early 20th centuries was also used. For the interwar period the censuses of 1921 and 1931 were extremely helpful. The population, denomination, nationality and socio-economic situation in this period in Toruń and the county were discussed here. Throughout this period Toruń was not only an important industrial centre, but it was also a fortress and it had a garrison, which had affected the development of the city and its character since the Prussian period. Rural communes and court territories were mainly agricultural areas, diversified in terms of religious and national structure. From the short review of statistical and demographic information, there emerges a picture of huge changes in the denominational and national structure of the population, where the key chronological boundaries were World War I and the time when Poland regained independence. It was the result of the repolonization process that took place throughout the county in the 1920s. The increase in the number of Polish and Catholic inhabitants, along with a clear decrease in the number of the German and Evangelical populations (although denominations and nationalities cannot be directly identified) reflected political changes and the creation of the Polish state again after more than a hundred years. ; Artykuł omawia zagadnienie przemian struktur ludności Torunia i powiatu toruńskiego od II połowy XIX wieku do okresu międzywojennego włącznie. Artykuł zawiera analizę materiału statystycznego pozyskanego z różnych typów źródeł. Dla okresu II połowy XIX wieku do 1914 roku wykorzystano zestawienia statystyczne dla poszczególnych powiatów Prus Zachodnich za lata 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 i 1910. Wykorzystane także zostały informacje ze statystyk pruskich za okres XIX i początku XX wieku. Dla okresu międzywojennego niezwykle pomocne były spisy ludności z 1921 i 1931 roku. Omówiono tutaj sytuację ludnościową, wyznaniową, narodowościową i społeczno-gospodarczą w tym okresie na terenie Torunia i powiatu. Toruń przez cały ten okres był ważnym ośrodkiem przemysłowym, ale był też twierdzą i posiadał garnizon, co miało duży wpływ na rozwój miasta jak i jego charakter już od okresu pruskiego. Gminy wiejskie i obszary dworskie były terenami głównie rolniczymi, zróżnicowanymi pod względem struktury wyznaniowej i narodowościowej. Z krótkiego przeglądu informacji statystyczno-demograficznych wyłania się obraz ogromnych zmian w strukturze wyznaniowej i narodowościowej ludności, gdzie kluczową granicą była I wojna światowa i odzyskanie przez Polskę niepodległości. Był to efekt procesu repolonizacji, który dokonywał się na terenie całego powiatu w latach dwudziestych XX wieku. Zwiększenie liczby ludności polskiej i katolickiej, oraz wyraźny spadek liczby ludności niemieckiej i ewangelickiej (choć wyznania i narodowości nie można wprost utożsamiać) odzwierciedlał zmiany polityczne i tworzenie państwa polskiego na nowo po ponad stu latach.

Artykuł omawia zagadnienie przemian struktur ludności Torunia i powiatu toruńskiego od II połowy XIX wieku do okresu międzywojennego włącznie. Artykuł zawiera analizę materiału statystycznego pozyskanego z różnych typów źródeł. Dla okresu II połowy XIX wieku do 1914 roku wykorzystano zestawienia statystyczne dla poszczególnych powiatów Prus Zachodnich za lata 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 i 1910. Wykorzystane także zostały informacje ze statystyk pruskich za okres XIX i początku XX wieku. Dla okresu międzywojennego niezwykle pomocne były spisy ludności z 1921 i 1931 roku. Omówiono tutaj sytuację ludnościową, wyznaniową, narodowościową i społeczno-gospodarczą w tym okresie na terenie Torunia i powiatu. Toruń przez cały ten okres był ważnym ośrodkiem przemysłowym, ale był też twierdzą i posiadał garnizon, co miało duży wpływ na rozwój miasta jak i jego charakter już od okresu pruskiego. Gminy wiejskie i obszary dworskie były terenami głównie rolniczymi, zróżnicowanymi pod względem struktury wyznaniowej i narodowościowej. Z krótkiego przeglądu informacji statystyczno-demograficznych wyłania się obraz ogromnych zmian w strukturze wyznaniowej i narodowościowej ludności, gdzie kluczową granicą była I wojna światowa i odzyskanie przez Polskę niepodległości. Był to efekt procesu repolonizacji, który dokonywał się na terenie całego powiatu w latach dwudziestych XX wieku. Zwiększenie liczby ludności polskiej i katolickiej, oraz wyraźny spadek liczby ludności niemieckiej i ewangelickiej (choć wyznania i narodowości nie można wprost utożsamiać) odzwierciedlał zmiany polityczne i tworzenie państwa polskiego na nowo po ponad stu latach. ; Der Artikel behandelt die Veränderungen in der Bevölkerungsstruktur Thorns und des Landkreises Thorn von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis einschließlich zur Zwischenkriegszeit. Er enthält eine Analyse von statistischem Material, das aus verschiedenen Arten von Quellen gewonnen wurde. Für den Zeitraum von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Jahr 1914 wurden statistische Zusammenstellungen für einzelne Landkreise Westpreußens aus den Jahren 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 und 1910 ausgewertet. Ebenfalls ausgewertet wurden Informationen aus preußischen Statistiken für den Zeitraum des 19. und den Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Für die Zwischenkriegszeit waren die Bevölkerungsregister von 1921 und 1931 sehr hilfreich. Darin geht es um die Situation der Bevölkerung, der Konfessionen, der Nationalitäten und der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in diesem Zeitraum auf dem Gebiet von Thorn und des Landkreises. Thorn war während dieses gesamten Zeitraums ein wichtiges Industriezentrum, aber es war auch eine Festung und besaß eine Garnison, was schon seit der preußischen Zeit großen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung der Stadt und ihren Charakter hatte. Die Landgemeinden und die Gutsbezirke waren hauptsächlich landwirtschaftliches Terrain, das in seiner konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur differenziert war. Eine kurze Betrachtung der statistisch-demografischen Informationen ergibt ein Bild von enormen Veränderungen in der konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur der Bevölkerung, wobei der 1. Weltkrieg und die Wiedererlangung der Unabhängigkeit durch Polen eine Schlüsselgrenze bilden. Dies war eine Folge des Prozesses der Repolonisierung, der in den zwanziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts auf dem Gebiet des gesamten Landkreises stattfand. Die zahlenmäßige Vergrößerung der katholischen Bevölkerung und der deutliche Abfall der deutschen und evangelischen Bevölkerung (auch wenn Bekenntnis und Nationalität nicht einfach identifiziert werden dürfen) spiegelten die politischen Veränderungen und die Neuschöpfung des polnischen Staats nach über 100 Jahren wider. ; The article discusses the issue of changes in the structure of the population of Toruń and the Toruń county from the second half of the 19th century to the interwar period. The article contains an analysis of statistical material obtained from various types of sources. For the period of the second half of the 19th century to 1914, statistical summaries were used for individual counties of West Prussia for the years 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 and 1910. Information from Prussian statistics for the period of the 19th and early 20th centuries was also used. For the interwar period the censuses of 1921 and 1931 were extremely helpful. The population, denomination, nationality and socio-economic situation in this period in Toruń and the county were discussed here. Throughout this period Toruń was not only an important industrial centre, but it was also a fortress and it had a garrison, which had affected the development of the city and its character since the Prussian period. Rural communes and court territories were mainly agricultural areas, diversified in terms of religious and national structure. From the short review of statistical and demographic information, there emerges a picture of huge changes in the denominational and national structure of the population, where the key chronological boundaries were World War I and the time when Poland regained independence. It was the result of the repolonization process that took place throughout the county in the 1920s. The increase in the number of Polish and Catholic inhabitants, along with a clear decrease in the number of the German and Evangelical populations (although denominations and nationalities cannot be directly identified) reflected political changes and the creation of the Polish state again after more than a hundred years.

This paper presents an overview of the latest experiences in ethnomusicological research based on the texts incorporated in this collection of works. These experiences emanate primarily from the local researchers' works on music of the Balkans, with a heightened theoretical and methodological dimension. The distinctive Balkan musical practices, created through the amalgamation of elements from different cultures, ethnicities, and religions, made this geo-cultural space intriguing not only to researchers from this very region but also to those from other cultural communities. A theoretical framework for interpreting these practices together with the contemporary research methods stem from interactions of local scientific communities' experiences, sources and practices they deal with, circumstances, ideologies and politics, including the influences of the world's dominant ethnomusicological communities as well as researchers' individual affinities and choices. A comparison with the research strategies applied in similar, transitory geo-cultural spaces contributes to a more complex exploration of the Balkan ethnomusicologists' experiences. ; Рад доноси преглед новијих искустава у етномузиколошким истраживањима музика Балкана, првенствено на основу радова који чине овај зборник. Пажња је кључно усмерена на теоријско-методолошку димензију. Специфичне музичке праксе Балкана, формиране амалгамисањем елемената различитих култура, етницитета и религија, учиниле су овај гео- културни простор интригантним не само за истраживаче из самог региона, већ и за оне из других културних средина. Теоријски оквири у којима се оне интерпретирају и методе које се данас користе у истраживањима резултат су интеракција искустава локалних научних заједница, извора и пракси којима се баве, околности, идеологија и политика, укључујући и утицаје доминантних светских етномузиколошких заједница и индивидуалних афинитета истраживача. Комплексније разматрање искустава етномузиколога са Балкана остварено је поређењима са истраживачким стратегијама примењиваним на сличним, транзиторним геокултурним просторима.