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Abstract: Contestation of ideas between nationalism and religion always leads to two main issues, namely the relation of muslim versus non-Muslims and law of God versus law of man. The Foundation should be built is the realization that Islam as a religion of humanity. Religious ideology has often been a motivation to justify the struggle through the violence that has been done. The political attitude of religion without connecting with the socio-cultural context of societal certainly influential on the model of religion intolerant and does not respect human rights. The growing diversity of expression along with the political establishment charges the Islamic State as the influence of transnational movements that have no awareness of local wisdom and the rejection of the concept of the nation State. This research uses psychology politics theory and the theory of social identity's approach that analyzing potential radicalism in society.الملخص : إن الحركة الإرهابية ضُمّت إلى نوع الجريمة غير العادية، لأنها سبّبت ضياع الأنفس والأموال واضطراب اقتصادية البلد وأمنه. سمّت أوروبا الغربية وأمريكا الحركات الإسلامية المتطرّفة بمسمّيات : الجماعات المتشدّدة، ويسار الإسلام، والأصوليّين وحتى الإرهابيّين، وهذا يثير إجراء الدراسة فيها. وقد أثبتت الحكومة القوانين لدرء هذه الحركات الإرهابية، ومنها القانون رقم 15 السنة 2003 عن استئصال جريمة الإرهابية، والقانون رقم 9 السنة 2013 عن درء واستئصال جريمة التمويل لحركة الإرهابية، ونظام رئيس الجمهورية رقم 46 السنة 2010 عن تكوين المجلس الوطني لاستئصال الحركة الإرهابية ثم غُيّر هذا النظام بنظام جديد من رئيس الجمهورية وهو رقم 12 السنة 2012. ومع هذا ونظرا إلى وقوع الحركات الإرهابية بما لديها من برامج وأنشطة مطبقة الآن فإنه يحتاج إلى تجديد القانون الجنائي لدرء الحركة الإرهابية في إندونيسيا، وفيه البحث عن جذور المسائل لنشوء هذه الحركة مستخدما النظريات والمفهومات والأسس وتفسير القانون في ضوء إيجاد الحماية القانونية العادلة للمواطنينAbstrak: Pertarungan gagasan antara nasionalisme dan agama selalu mengarah pada dua problem utama, yaitu relasi muslim versus non-muslim dan hukum Tuhan versus hukum manusia. Pondasi yang harus dibangun adalah kesadaran bahwa Islam sebagai agama kemanusiaan. Ideologi keagamaan sering menjadi motivasi untuk membenarkan perjuangan melalui aksi kekerasan yang dilakukan. Sikap politik beragama tanpa merelasikan dengan konteks sosial budaya kemasyarakatan tentu berpengaruh pada model beragama tidak toleran dan tidak menghormati hak asasi manusia. Ekspresi keberagamaan tersebut berkembang seiring dengan adanya muatan-muatan politik pendirian negara Islam sebagai pengaruh gerakan transnasional yang tidak memiliki kesadaran terhadap kearifan lokal dan penolakan konsep negara bangsa. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan teori psikologi politik dan teori identitas sosial dalam menganalisis potensi radikalisme di masyarakat.

Islam constitutes the perfect and universal religion for a lifetime that has the vision of guiding human beings for better life. Islam is the religion that becomes a blessing for the whole universe. It is in line with the mission of Islamic teachings, which is to protect humans from all the forms of anarchy and injustice. At the level of values, Islam completely models kindness and noble morality as well as prohibits all bad behavior, violence, or cruelty. The dream of ideal morality in Islam is to build the world, in which both Muslims and non-Muslims live in justice, peace, love, and harmony. The dream of morality becomes the responsibility of all elements of society, particularly religious figures and intellectuals to catch moral messages of religion that are able to promote harmonious life in plurality. At this level, character education also possesses a pivotal role in achieving the dream of Islam so that Muslims have pluralistic mindset. As a result, Muslims understand the definition, characteristics, and mission of Islam so that they do not need to bring the name of Islam for the sake of individual, group, or political party. Likewise, there will be no more extreme views that demonstrate the name of Islam aimed at committing the actions of terrorism, in which Islam is regarded as the religion performing terrorism. ; Islam merupakan agama yang menjadi rahmat bagi seluruh alam. Hal ini sesuai dengan misi ajaran Islam, yakni membebaskan manusia dari berbagai bentuk anarki dan ketidakadilan. Pada tataran nilai, Islam sejak awal mengajarkan kebaikan dan moralitas luhur, dan pada saat yang sama melarang segala perilaku jahat. Cita-cita moral ideal Islam adalah membangun dunia, di mana orang Islam maupun non-Islam hidup bersama menikmati keadilan, kedamaian, kasih sayang, dan keharmonisan. Cita-cita moral merupakan tugas semua elemen masyarakat, terutama para pemimpin agama dan para intelektual untuk menangkap pesan-pesan moral agama yang dapat membawa kepada kehidupan yang harmonis di tengah pluralitas. Pada tataran ini pula, pendidikan karakter memiliki peran strategis dalam menggapai cita-cita Islam agar para penganutnya memiliki mindset yang pluralistik, tidak sektarian apalagi mendiskreditkan golongan lain. Dengan demikian, umat Islam mengerti akan pengertian, karakteristik, dan misi Islam itu sendiri sehingga orang tidak lagi mengatasnamkan Islam untuk kepentingan pribadi, kelompok, dan partai. Bahkan, tidak ada lagi paham ekstrem yang mengatasnamakan Islam sebagai kedok dengan tujuan untuk melakukan aksi terorisme sehingga Islam dianggap sebagai agama teroris.

Governments have long used public art and monuments to characterize and legitimize their regimes. The production of visual space has profound implications on the psychology of the nation state and the way its citizens relate to their histories. It is curious then, to ask what happens when citizens take control of the visual content of their environment, particularly as it relates to memorializing those who have been killed at the hands of political authority or hegemony. This paper will examine different visual forms of memorialization on Mohammed Mahmoud Street,1 with a particular focus on the memorial portraiture of Ammar Abo Bakr, El Zeft, and Ganzeer, and the pharaonic murals of Alaa Awad. It will then examine how such street memorials not only commemorate the martyrs2 of the revolution, but also criticize the state, take ownership of public space and the memorialization process, and contribute to the formation of a strong, pan-Egyptian identity. It will also show why, as much of this art has now been covered up by other art or whitewashed by the sate, this art remains relevant as the government begins to create its own memorials and utilize Egyptian frustrations with the ongoing violence to tarnish the collective memory of the revolution. [1] Not intended to reflect the work of Mona Abaza in her article Mona Abaza, "Mourning, Narratives and Interactions with the Martyrs through Cairo's Graffiti," E-International Relations, October 7, 2013, http://www.e-ir.info/2013/10/07/mourning-narratives-and-interactions-with-the-martyrs-through-cairos-graffiti/. [2] "The word martyr [Shaheed] signifies a person who has died for a greater cause, either religious or political. In islamic thought, martyrdom (shahada is the highest honor and martyrs attain the greatest level in paradise, correlating to the Christian notion of sainthood." (Basma Hamdy and Stone, Karl Don, Walls of Freedom: Street Art of the Egyptian Revolution. ([S.l.]: From Here To Fame, 2014). 56) "Martyr" is often the term used to describe those who have been killed by security forces and the military since January 25th and before. I am not making a judgement on the use of the term, but am adopting the term to reference those who have die over the course of the past three years, as well as to avoid confusion when people use the term martyrs to describe such people in their interviews.

This dissertation addresses the impact of World War II on Uzbek society and contends that the war era should be seen as seen as equally transformative to the tumultuous 1920s and 1930s for Soviet Central Asia. It argues that via the processes of military service, labor mobilization, and the evacuation of Soviet elites and common citizens that Uzbeks joined the broader "Soviet people" or sovetskii narod and overcame the prejudices of being "formerly backward" in Marxist ideology. The dissertation argues that the army was a flexible institution that both catered to national cultural (including Islamic ritual) and linguistic difference but also offered avenues for assimilation to become Ivan-Uzbeks, part of a Russian-speaking, pan-Soviet community of victors. Yet as the war wound down the reemergence of tradition and violence against women made clear the limits of this integration. The dissertation contends that the war shaped the contours of Central Asian society that endured through 1991 and created the basis for thinking of the "Soviet people" as a nation in the 1950s and 1960s. The first chapter addresses the experience of soldiers in the Red Army, paying special attention to the army's policies to support Central Asian men with agitation. The second chapter focuses on the laborers who faced high mortality in the mines and industrial sites of the Urals and Siberia. Deprived of cultural support, agitators, and segregated from Slavic workers, they offer a case study in how the Soviet war-time state could operate both as a nation and an empire at the same time. The next two chapters address the Uzbek homefront, the contributions of Uzbek women who stayed in the region, and changing gender roles. Via an "emancipation of necessity" Uzbek women continued the professional gains they made during collectivization and replaced men in mechanized agriculture and in leadership positions. I examine the wartime contributions of three noteworthy women to show how the state both respected cultural mores that prevented them from serving at the front, but also pressed them into new, public roles. The next chapter focuses the interaction between evacuated Russian and Uzbek writers. I argue that their cooperation facilitated the narrative of Friendship of the Peoples while also allowing the evacuees to assert their tutorial rights as elder brother and masters of socialist realism. The final chapter addresses the durability of the Ivan-Uzbek identity in the face of social breakdown and resurgent religious tradition after the war.

Post-Traumatic Realism: Representations of History in Recent Irish NovelsThe aim of my essay is to describe major tendencies in contemporary Irish prose writing concerned with historical and political issues. The diversity of the themes and attitudes to the past necessitates a classification of the writings into several various groups of novels whereas my analysis of the modes of representing the intratextual universe paves the way for identifying a single literary convention (post-traumatic realism) which is typical of the works under discussion. Many of the quoted authors subscribe to historical revisionism which undermines the received historical narrative in Ireland and questions its aggressively nationalist model of patriotism. The novels by Sebastian Barry, Robert McLiam Wilson, Edna O'Brien or Julia O'Faolain, to name just a few, contest that model by demonstrating that it leads to violence, cultural stagnation and petrifying political divisions both in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern Ireland. In the age of the epistemological levelling of historiographic discourse and literary fiction the novels discussed in the essay meaningfully contribute to the debate over the Irish nation's attitude to their own history and the need to conclude the painful chapters of the past connected with the Civil War as well as with the social and religious conflicts of the twentieth century. Realizm posttraumatyczny. Sposoby przedstawiania historii we współczesnych powieściach irlandzkich Celem niniejszego artykułu jest scharakteryzowanie głównych tendencji we współczesnej prozie irlandzkiej podejmującej tematykę historyczną i polityczną. Różnorodność tematów i postaw wobec przeszłości zmusza do wyodrębnienia co najmniej kilku odmiennych grup powieści, natomiast analiza sposobów prezentacji universum wewnątrztekstowego pozwala pokusić się o określenie jednej typowej konwencji literackiej, jaką w przypadku omawianych utworów jest realizm posttraumatyczny. Wielu z przytaczanych autorów wpisuje się także w nurt rewizjonizmu historycznego, który podważa zastaną narrację historyczną i obiegowy, nacechowany agresywnym nacjonalizmem model patriotyzmu. Powieści Sebastiana Barry'ego, Roberta McLiama Wilsona, Edny O'Brien czy Julii O'Faolain kontestują ów model, ukazując, że prowadzi on do przemocy, utrwalania podziałów politycznych i stagnacji kulturowej zarówno w Republice Irlandii, jak i w Irlandii Północnej. W dobie epistemologicznego równouprawnienia dyskursu historiograficznego i fikcji literackiej omawiane w artykule powieści konstruktywnie wpisują się w dyskusję nad stosunkiem narodu irlandzkiego do swojej historii, nad koniecznością zamknięcia raz na zawsze bolesnych rozdziałów związanych z wojną domową początku lat dwudziestych XX wieku i konfliktami na tle społecznym oraz religijnym.

Lebanese immigration to Brazil began in the latter part of the nineteenth century and continued during the twentieth century particularly during the civil war in 1975-76. The communities living in enclaves dominated by people of a different religious, national or political persuasion sought to escape the persistent violence and to improve their living conditions by moving abroad. Situated at the intersection of land and sea routes, Lebanon has had many invaders and when the early immigrants arrived in Brazil they were classified as Turks because they arrived with a Turkish passport since Lebanon was still under Ottoman control. The settlement experience was full of identity issues and the life was not easy for those immigrants who couldn't speak Portuguese and didn't have many contacts. Nevertheless, they settle in Brazil by filling a need for itinerant hawkers selling their wares all over the country, often supplied by the newly established shopkeepers and warehousemen. When the hawkers amassed enough money, they opened their own stores, often in towns, experiencing an internal migration from rural to urban areas as well. The Lebanese community in Brazil, which now numbers more than 6 million people, has made an important contribution to the development of the Brazilian cultural life. Nowadays, Lebanese associations in Brazil help to meet the differing cultural, settlement and welfare needs of the people from the Middle East, helping to bring the different groups together. Lebanese immigrants view home as both a concrete reality that is achieved physically or in relation with others, and a symbolic reference point that moves beyond territorial boundaries. The second and third generations speak Portuguese and are well educated, and some are university professors and writers whose works have won prizes in foreign countries. Many of their novels have been translated into many languages and tell stories from their ancestors about the adventures of the Diaspora and contact with foreign peoples. This article will examine the representation in literature of the Lebanese Diaspora, known in Arabic as "Al Mahjar", and the intercultural contact among the heterogeneous communities in the Brazilian society recounted in these stories. Furthermore, it will focus on how the migrants themselves view their migration, particularly the way they see the different communities and recreate their sense of home and belonging (to both a past and a present) as well the way they create strategies as sources of stability and integration used in dealing with their new life in Brazil. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The discourse of law differs from the discourse of literature in many ways but the two discourses share an equally big interest in the meaning of words and the codes that rule our life. In some especially dramatic historical situations this common interest becomes clearer. The conquest of America is just such a dramatic event. The paper discusses discourses on human rights in Spain in 15th and 16th Centuries after the discovery and conquest of the New World. It argues that the understanding of the historical dynamics of this early rights talk is essential for the understanding of human rights today and that human rights cannot be understood independently of the historical and political context of their development. Thus the paper thus discusses human rights as a vacillating discourse that can serve both a constructive purpose of protecting people and a more ambiguous purpose of legitimizing power. The paper is inspired by the recent discussions of the function of human rights in relation to the building of nations or empires (See for instance Costas Douzinas Human Rights and Empire, 2007, Ulrich Beck and Edgar Grande Cosmopolitan Europe 2007, and Etienne Balibar (We, the People of Europe? Reflections on Transnational Citizenship, 2004). But it will take its point of departure in writings by Bartolom? de las Casas and the ?trial? set up by King Charles V in 1542 in Valladolid, where Las Casas and his opponent Juan Gin?s de Sep?lveda presented their views on the nature of Indians, their rights and the authority and legitimization of the Spanish conquest, violence and domination in the New World. In the presentations in court, legal argumentation was mixed with religious, philosophical, anthropological, and literary vocabulary. Out of this uneven discourse and in a dramatic conflictual meeting in which the church and the king were involved on every level, modern ideas on human rights developed and gained a certain institutional standing, but they did so both for idealistic and strategic reasons. The paper discusses the double function of the discourse of human rights in the historical context and the genreblending of law and literature which is so preeminent in the Spanish context. In the paper, writings by contemporary literary writers like Lope de Vega (1562-1635) Luis de G?ngora (1561-1627) and Calder?n de la Barca (1600-1681) will be drawn in, primarily to shed some light on different conceptions of personal rights, authority and sovereignty.

With the early "flush of victory" against USSR, and the (under)cover provided by Hitler's "war of annihilation" in the East, Ion Antonescu and his regime turned ethnic cleansing into a top priority policy. Mesmerized by the promise of a Jew free Romania, with other ethnic and religious minorities targeted as well, the government easily accepted mass killing, ghettoization, and brutal deportations as means to achieve envisioned ultra-nationalistic ends. However, with late 1942 and the "pallor of defeat", at a time the Nazi continent wide Holocaust was in full swing, Bucharest decided to reject the International Final Solution proposed by Berlin. Plans to deport the Romanian Jews to Poland were unexpectedly abandoned, and further evacuations to Transnistria halted. The shift came too late, at a time the evil was already done, and Romania stood on the verge of genocide. Transnistria was by now an infamous "kingdom of death". Bullets, famine, hard labor and diseases were effective means in the Romanian process of destruction of the Jews, a process that did not included gas vans and chambers, but in which not one community east of the river Prut was spared. Acting as liaison to the Nazi perpetrators the Romanian ones moved hastily from savage massacres to more bureaucratic ways of killings. The cruelty is striking, and the process is no less structured in its brutality when compared to the Nazi one in the occupied Soviet territories. The importance of Transnistria stays with the staggering number of victims, the expediency of killing operations in the vicinity of villages and towns, very personal, a human butchery that resembles in its mixture of police, military, and bureaucratic violence, efficient and organized, many other killing fields and cases of ethnic cleansing and genocide, and the proximity of the Holocaust in Ukraine, different from the classic Shoah only in terms of framework and method. Moving from here and aiming for clarity, I will try to understand the policy that made Transnistria possible, a development that is not incidental and accidental. Attention is given not only to the Romanian government, institutions and agencies but also to the Nazi perspective on Eastern territories, the empire-building policy in the Ukraine, and the dynamic of the Nazi solution to the Jewish Question. When analyzing the actions and attitudes of the above-mentioned actors in a wider context, my intention is simply to shed some light on the inception and role of Transnistria during the Holocaust.

Between the first Russo-Chechen war of independence (1994-96) and the resumption of the conflict in 1999, the range of actions employed by the Chechens evolved, as did the intensity of Russian army operations. While ambushes against the latter have remained the Chechen combatants' principal mode of action, recent developments in the conflict have been marked by the emergence of suicide attacks. The first war ended with the signing of the Khassaviurt accord in August 1996 , following the serious setbacks experienced by the Russian army. A treaty was signed in 1997 prohibiting the use of force in relations between the two countries. However, the situation in an independent Chechnya turned out to be difficult. The shattered economy left between 80 and 90 % of the working population jobless . Russian promises of reconstruction in fact resulted in the economic isolation of Chechen territory through checkpoints set up all along the border. On the domestic scene, elections were organised in 1997. The candidates who were the most intransigent towards the Russians, and who had Islamist leanings, such as Basayev and Udugov (Minister of Information under President Dudayev), were outnumbered by Maskhadov, the head of the Chechen army known for his willingness to compromise and negotiate with the Russians. Yet Maskhadov had great difficulty in establishing his authority over the whole of Chechnya, with certain warlords refusing to retreat. In October 1999, Dagestani and Chechen Islamist combatants, led by Basayev, made an incursion into Dagestan in order to provide assistance to Wahhabi villages. In doing so, they gave the Russians an excuse to invade Chechnya again. On the Russian side, the second war was marked by far more extensive bombings, village "sweeps", the establishment of "filtration camps", ransom-taking, etc. In addition to traditional guerrilla methods, in 2000 the Chechens began launching suicide attacks against the Russian army, as well as against the pro-Russian Chechen administration, for which Basayev generally claimed responsibility. The suicide attacks were strongly influenced by the idea of shahid, or Islamic ''martyr". Websites for many jihadist organizations readily portrayed Chechnya as one of the fronts where Muslims were being oppressed by kuffar, or "infidels", in this case Russians. The Russians immediately highlighted this state of affairs and made a direct link between such actions and Al Qaida-style international terrorism. The suicide attacks, rejected by the people, were then presented as the result of foreign influence, i.e. the "Wahhabis". Thus arose the issue of the ''Palestinization'' of the conflict, officially referred to for the first time in June 2003 by FSB (ex-KGB) director Nikolai Patrushev, as well as by certain journalists such as Anna Politovskaia . But does the increase in suicide attacks in Chechnya mean the Chechen struggle has been co-opted by international jihadist movements? The theory we will develop here attempts to highlight the evolution of that struggle from nationalism to Islamic nationalism, as the discourse justifying the war is increasingly filled with religious references, while the issues at stake have remained nationalist. Such references are also historical, as they were already present during the anti-colonial struggles in the 19th century. Moreover, although the use of suicide attacks is part of the evolution towards Islamic nationalism, this increase in sacrificial violence cannot be attributed to the Islamists alone. Indeed, the latter were very present during the first Chechen war when such actions were not employed. Other aspects must therefore be included in order to understand this change. We must be careful in our analysis in any case, as the inaccessible terrain makes it difficult to evaluate the real impact of references to martyrdom on the population and groups of combatants.

So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Khorasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan-Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh's emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions - east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan - during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a longterm transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan-Pakistan. The direct links between Daesh in Syria and Iraq and its branch in Afghanistan are relatively weak, mostly indirect and largely symbolic, being performed through public displays of allegiance. Daesh appears to mobilize resources mainly through translocal social networks established in the past and connect the Afghan-Pakistan border region with Gulf Arab countries, not Daesh's headquarters in Raqqa. The ideology of Jihadi Salafism derives from longer-term processes and provides a new framework for actors in Afghanistan that is there to stay. Jihadi Salafism is a small but ultra- violent part of the large-scale spread of Salafism manifest in the mushrooming of Salafi mosques and madrassas, particularly in the east, north-east and north of Afghanistan. The Paper suggests that, while Daesh in Afghanistan is not the extended arm of Raqqa, it certainly has to be taken seriously. For it is precisely this relative autonomy that makes it likely to survive the fall of Mosul and Raqqa.

1. IntroductionOver the last decade, increased attention has been paid to terrorism, particularly to the new wave of terrorist groups, fundamentalist movements, and extremist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda. September 11 marked the beginning of a turbulent phase in which states face a new kind of threat made up of a complex network of insidious revolutionary and nationalist forces. Such transformations have given rise to an unprecedented number of publications. However, both political violence and terrorism remain sources of endless disputes and controversies because of their political implications. At the same time, in the scientific community, terrorism studies lack conceptual and methodological uniformity. In his article, Domenico Tosini synthesises and discusses some major findings from this research. Courses using such a review will be confronted with the four major topics that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of the consequences of counterterrorism policies.2. Literature recommendations Bjørgo, Tore (ed.) 2005. Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, based on the analysis of numerous case studies (e.g. Palestinian armed groups, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, right‐wing extremists, state terrorism and state‐sponsored terrorism), experts in political violence examine the preconditions for the emergence of different types of terrorist organisations and the main factors that sustain terrorist campaigns. Cole, David 2003. Enemy Aliens: Double Standard and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism. New York, NY: The New Press.Thanks to its analysis and evaluation of the consequences of counter‐terrorism measures, David Cole's Enemy Aliens is one of the most rigorous discussions of how states (like the United States since 2001) often combat terrorism by adopting emergency powers (such as the special detention at Guantanamo Bay), which, in turn, risk undermining civil liberties. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Based on empirical research that compares the origins and development of left‐wing terrorism in Italy and Germany between the 1960s and the 1990s, della Porta offers a middle‐range theory of political violence that combines an analysis of the political opportunities and ideological frames exploited by armed groups, a profile of their organisational structures, and an investigation of the typical patterns underlying their recruitment processes. Gambetta, Diego (ed.) 2006. Making Sense of Suicide Missions. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.In this book, a number of distinguished social scientists, while examining the use of suicide missions by political and religious groups (such as the Japanese Kamikaze, the Tamil Tigers, Palestinian organisations, and Al‐Qaeda), specify and discuss the most important methodological questions associated with definitions, data collection, and explanations concerning this form of political struggle. Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Colombia University Press.The book introduces the most important issues of terrorism studies: the controversial problem of the definition of terrorism; a history of terrorism, from anti‐colonial struggles to international terrorism; an examination and explanation of the most recent waves of religious extremists and suicide terrorism; an analysis of the ways terrorist groups exploit old and new media such as the Internet; and, finally, an overview of the strategies, tactics, and organisational aspects of modern and contemporary terrorism. Horgan, John 2005. The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge.Horgan presents a critical analysis of our understanding of terrorist psychology; many shortcomings emerge, particularly the limitations of personality theories in attempting to explain militancy. Based on interviews with terrorists, the book considers the most relevant psychological and social factors underlying involvement and engagement in political violence, and the process of leaving terrorist organisations. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Scholars generally distinguish between terrorism and other forms of violence against civilians – tactics of guerrilla warfare or insurgency in civil wars, for example. However, this work makes a relevant contribution to terrorism studies. Kalyvas clarifies the rationality and micro‐processes of interactions during armed conflicts that account for indiscriminate and selective uses of violence against civilian populations by political actors. Kushner, Harvey W. 2003. Encyclopedia of Terrorism. London, UK: Sage.One of the most accurate and exhaustive dictionaries focusing on terrorism, with more than 300 entries concerning terrorist groups, key events, people, terms, and statistics, as well as biographical, historical, and geographical information. Free access is available at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.terrorisminfo.mipt.org/eBooks.asp). Laqueur, Walter 2002. A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers.Along with Laqueur's Guerrilla Warfare: A Historical and Critical Study (London: Transaction Publishers, 1998), this constitutes a pioneering history of armed organisations, from nineteenth century Europe, to the anarchists of the 1880s and 1890s, to the left‐wing clashes during the 20th century, and up to the most recent terrorist groups. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House.Over the last decade, suicide terrorism has become an alarming political threat and a crucial challenge for social scientists. In his work, which compares a number of organisations responsible for suicide attacks, Pape rejects the explanation of suicide terrorism based on religious fundamentalism. He argues for a correlation between the use of this tactic and specific kinds of groups engaged in separatist campaigns or in struggles for liberation from foreign occupiers. Ranstorp, Magnus (ed.) 2007. Mapping Terrorism Research: State of the Art, Gaps and Future Directions. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, distinguished scholars of terrorism studies discuss state‐of‐the‐art field research. In exploring new trends in this area – the most important questions about the explanation of recent terrorist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda, and about counterterrorism – these essays shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of our current knowledge of political violence. Reich, Walter (ed.) 1998. Origins of Terrorism: Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies, States of Mind. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.This is another seminal work on terrorism, bringing together some of the most well known experts in political violence. The variety of approaches used in the explanations of terrorist organisations and in the analysis of counterterrorism paves the way for a real interdisciplinary setting, which is absolutely crucial once the multi‐faceted nature of terrorism is clear. Sageman, Marc 2004. Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.Based on the analysis of biographical data for nearly 200 members of global Islamist extremism (of which Al‐Qaeda is a part), Sageman accounts for the origins and developments of this movement and specifies the crucial role played by social networks in the recruitment of individuals as Islamist militants. Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.Wilkinson examines major trends in international terrorism and liberal democratic responses. On the one hand, the book introduces the specificity of terrorism and offers a classification and explanation of the most important types of armed groups. On the other, in approaching how states deal with terrorist threats, this work discusses forms of counterterrorism, by taking into account their impact on the rule of law and on the protection of civil liberties.3. Online materials Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) (Agency for Internal Information and Security)(http://www.aisi.gov.it)The Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) is the branch of Italian Intelligence tasked with collecting and analysing information about any criminal and terrorist threat to security. Among other activities, the AISI distributes its own periodical, Gnosis, online, where a chronology of international as well as domestic terrorist attacks since 2004 (currently updated through 2007) is available.
Counterterrorism Blog
(http://counterterrorismblog.org)The Counterterrorism Blog is a multi‐expert blog devoted to providing a one‐stop gateway to the counterterrorism community. It offers, among other things, overnight and breaking news, with real time commentary by experts; reports on terrorist organisations; discussions of long‐term trends in counterterrorism; and summaries of and discussions about US and international law.
Center for Constitutional Rights

(CCR) (http://ccrjustice.org)Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights organisations, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) is a non‐profit legal and educational organisation dedicated to protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It also offers information about important issues related to counterterrorism (e.g., the prolonged battle in defence of civil liberties associated with the special detention at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba).
Global Terrorism Database
(GTD)(http://www.start.umd.edu/data/gtd)The Global Terrorism Database (GTD) is an open‐source database on terrorist incidents around the world since 1970 (currently updated through 2004). It includes systematic data on international as well as domestic terrorist attacks. For each GTD incident, information is available on the date and location of the attack, the weapons used and nature of the target, the number of casualties, and (when possible) the identity of the perpetrator. Another important database, the Terrorism Knowledge Base (TKB) at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.mipt.org/TKB.asp), has recently ceased operations and elements of the system have been merged with the GTD. Information on terrorist groups is now available at the Terrorist Organization Profiles (http://www.start.umd.edu/data/tops).
Human Security Report Project

(HSRP) (http://www.hsrgroup.org)The HSRP conducts research on global and regional trends in political violence, exploring their causes and consequences, and then making this research accessible to the policy and research communities, the media, educators, and the interested public. The HSRP's publications include the Human Security Report, the Human Security Brief series, and the Human Security Gateway. The recent Human Security Brief 2007, online, makes a relevant contribution in discussing the methodological issues associated with collecting data on terrorism and offers a comprehensive overview of terrorist incidents in the last decade.
Middle East Media Research Institute

(MEMRI) (http://www.memri.org)The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) explores the Middle East through the region's media with respect to a variety of topics including terrorism. MEMRI provides translations of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish media, as well as analysis of political, ideological, intellectual, social, cultural, and religious tendencies in the Middle East. A new section, the MEMRI's Islamist Websites Monitor Project, was launched in 2006 as part of the Jihad & Terrorism Studies project. Its aim is to keep Western audiences informed about the phenomenon of jihadist sites on the Internet, which are used by terrorist groups and their sympathisers to spread their extremist messages, to raise funds, and to recruit activists.
Uppsala Conflict Data Project

(UCDP) (http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/UCDP)The Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) collects data on armed conflicts around the world. A global conflict database is now available online. Data are useful for systematic studies of conflict origins, dynamics, and resolution.
Worldwide Incidents Tracking System
(WITS)(http://wits.nctc.gov)The Worldwide Incidents Tracking System (WITS) is the National Counterterrorism Center's (NCTC) database of terrorist incidents. NCTC serves as the primary organisation in the United States government for integrating and analysing all intelligence pertaining to terrorism and, at the same time, as the central and shared knowledge bank on terrorism information. Based on WITS, the NCTC provides an annual report and statistical information about terrorist incidents.
Additional Online Resources
Scores of additional organisations and centres (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to armed conflicts, terrorism, terrorist groups, security, and counterterrorism. What follows is a list of some other key organisations and centres, with links to their websites:Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)(http://www.aspi.org.au)Centre for Asymmetric Threat Studies (CATS)(http://www.fhs.se/en/Research/Centers‐and‐Research‐Programmes/CATS)Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)(http://www.csis.org)Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV)(http://www.st‐andrews.ac.uk/~wwwir/research/cstpv)IntelCenter(http://intelcenter.com)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)(http://www.pvtr.org)International Crisis Group (ICG)(http://www.crisisgroup.org)International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)(http://www.iiss.org)International Policy Institute for Counter‐Terrorism (ICT)(http://www.ict.org.il)Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT)(http://www.mipt.org)Saban Center at the Brookings Institution(http://www.brookings.edu/saban.aspx)Senlis Council(http://www.senliscouncil.net)Southern Poverty Law Center(http://www.splcenter.org)Terrorism and Homeland Security at RAND Corporation(http://www.rand.org/research_areas/terrorism)Terrorism Research Center (TRC)(http://www.terrorism.org)Transnational Radical Islamism Project at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment(http://www.mil.no/felles/ffi/english/start/research/Analysis_Division/_TERRA)United States Institute of Peace(http://www.usip.org/index.html)4. Sample syllabus Course Title: A Sociological Analysis of Terrorism and Counterterrorism Course Description In this course, we will explore the most relevant issues around terrorism and counterterrorism policies. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this study is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines, including history, psychology, political science, and economics. There are four major areas that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of consequences related to counterterrorism. After an introduction to terrorism research (part 1), we will discuss the controversies related to the definition of terrorism (part 2) and to data collection (part 3), both necessary for an understanding of tendencies concerning terrorist incidents. A historical overview (part 4) will give us some preliminary information about the variety of terrorist campaigns – information that prepares us for the next exercise (part 5): grouping terrorist organisations by different types. Looking in more depth at the evolution of terrorism in the last decade, we will examine the case of Al‐Qaeda (part 6), and how this and other organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet (part 7). The next chapter will be the explanation of terrorism, that is, the specification of the main psychological, political, cultural, and religious factors underlying the emergence of a terrorist organisation and the unfolding of a terrorist campaign. Suicide terrorism will be used as a case study. More specifically, we will approach terrorism by examining the motivations and rationality of terrorist organisations (part 8), of the communities that support them (part 9), and of those who join them (part 10). We end the course by focusing on both the legal (part 11) and strategic (part 12) implications of counterterrorism measures adopted since 2001. Course outline and reading assignments Part 1. Terrorism Research An overview of the most important approaches to the study of terrorism and of the strengths and weaknesses of available analyses. Bjørgo, Tore 2005. 'Introduction' (pp. 1–15) and 'Conclusions' (pp. 256–264) in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Crenshaw, Martha 2000. 'The Psychology of Terrorism: An Agenda for the 21st Century.'Political Psychology 21 (2): 405–420 (Doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00195). Ranstorp, Magnus 2007. 'Introduction: Mapping Terrorism Research – Challenges and Priorities.' Pp. 1–28 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Silke, Andrew 2004. 'An Introduction to Terrorism Research.' Pp. 1–29 in Research on Terrorism: Trends, Achievements and Failures, edited by Andrew Silke. London, UK: Frank Cass. Sinai, Joshua 2007. 'New Trends in Terrorism Studies: Strengths and Weaknesses.' Pp. 31–50 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Turk, Austin T. 2004. 'Sociology of Terrorism.'Annual Review of Sociology 30: 271–286 (Doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110510). Wilkinson, Paul 2007. 'Research into Terrorism Studies: Achievements and Failures.' Pp. 316–328 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Part 2. What is Terrorism? A discussion of one of the most controversial issues, the definition of terrorism, focusing on its political and methodological implications. Aly, Waleed 2008. 'The Axiom of Evil.'The Guardian, 8 July, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/jul/08/nelsonmandela.terrorism (last accessed: 8 July 2008). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–42). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. della Porta, Donatella 2004. 'Terror Against the State.' Pp. 208–16 in The Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, edited by Kate Nash and Alan Scott. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. Schmid, Alexander P. 2004. 'Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism.'Terrorism and Political Violence 16 (2): 197–221 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550490483134). Tilly, Charles 2004. 'Terror, Terrorism, Terrorist.'Sociological Theory 22 (1): 5–16 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9558.2004.00200.x). Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–19). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 3. Collecting Data on Terrorism Incidents An introduction to the challenges and solutions to the collection of terrorism data, a preliminary and crucial aspect of any scientific analysis. Buchalter, Alice R. and Glenn E. Curtis 2003. Inventory and Assessment of Databases Relevant for Social Science Research on Terrorism. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division Library of Congress, http://lcweb.loc.gov/rr/frd (last accessed 10 June 2008). Enders, Walter and Todd Sandler 2006. Chapter 3 (pp. 52–83). The Political Economy of Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lafree, Gary 2007. 'Introducing the Global Terrorism Database.'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (2): 181–204 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701246817). HSP 2008. Human Security Brief 2007. Dying to Lose: Explaining the Decline in Global Terrorism. Simon Fraser University, Canada: Human Security Report Project, http://www.humansecuritybrief.info/HSRP_Brief_2007.pdf (last accessed 15 June 2008). Part 4. Waves of Terror: The Evolution of Terrorism A look at terrorism from a historical perspective in an attempt to identify continuities and discontinuities in the use of political violence. Abrahms, Max 2006. 'Why Terrorism Does Not Work.'International Security 31 (2): 42–78 (Doi: 10.1162/isec.2006.31.2.42). Duyvesteyn, Isabelle 2004. 'How New Is the New Terrorism?'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 27 (5): 439–454 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100490483750). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 2–4 (pp. 43–130). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Jenkins, Brian 1975. International Terrorism: A New Mode of Conflict. Research Paper n. 48, California Seminar on Arms Control and Foreign Policy. Kaplan, Jeffrey 2007. 'The Fifth Wave: The New Tribalism?'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (4): 545–570 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701606564). Laqueur, Walter 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 3–78). A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Münkler, Herfried 2005. Chapter 5 (pp. 99–116). The New Wars. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Rapoport, David C. 2004. 'Modern Terror: The Four Waves.' Pp. 46–73 in Attacking Terrorism: Elements of a Great Strategy, edited by Audrey Cronin and J. Ludes. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Reed, Donald J. 2008. 'Beyond the War on Terror: Into the Fifth Generation of War and Conflict.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 31 (8): 684–722 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100802206533). Part 5. Typologies of Terrorist Movements An overview of the complex task of classifying terrorist organisations on the basis of characteristics such as political objectives, ideological frames, and the cleavages between them and their enemies. Goodwin, Jeff 2006. 'A Theory of the Categorical Terrorism.'Social Forces 84 (4): 2027–2046. Gunaratna, Rohan and Graeme C. S. Steven 2004. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–98). Counterterrorism. Santa Barbara, CA: Abc Clio. Schmid, Alexander P. and Albert J. Jongman 1988. Chapter 2 (in collaboration with M. Stohl and P. A. Fleming, pp. 39–60). Political Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat.'Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–38). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 6. Al‐Qaeda and its Affiliates: Ideologies, Strategies, Structures A sociological look at the ideological, strategic, and organisational aspects of Al‐Qaeda's terrorism from the 1980s to its most recent campaign in Iraq. Al‐Zayyat, Montasser 2004. The Road to Al‐Qaeda. London, UK: Pluto Press. Gunaratna, Rohan 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 21–126). Inside Al‐Qaeda. New York, NY: Berkley Books. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 7 (pp. 102–125). Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 1‐2 (pp. 1‐60). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hafez, Mohammed M. 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 35–162). Suicide Bombers in Iraq. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 7. Terrorism and the Media An exploration of the ways that terrorist organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet, as communicative channels (for staging their attacks, threats, demands, and propaganda) and as instrumental tools (for fund raising, coordination, and recruitment). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 173–228). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ICG 2006. In Their Own Words: Reading the Iraqi Insurgency. International Crisis Group: Middle East Report No 50, 15 February, http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3953&l=1 (last accessed 5 February 2008). Rogan, Hanna 2006. Jihadism Online: A Study of How Al‐Qaeda and Radical Islamist Groups Use Internet for Terrorist Purposes. Norwegian Defence Research Establishment: FFI/RAPPORT‐2006/00915, http://rapporter.ffi.no/rapporter/2006/00915.pdf (last accessed 5 June 2008). Sageman, Marc 2008. Chapter 6 (pp. 109–123). Leaderless Jihad. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Weimann, Gabriel 2006. Chapters 3–4 (pp. 49–145). Terror on the Internet. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 8. Terrorist Organisations and Their Logic An examination of the political objectives and ideologies of terrorist organisations and an overview of the rationality and strategies underlying their decision‐making in relation to the political opportunities and military events shaping their environment. Boyns, David and James David Ballard 2004. 'Developing a Sociological Theory for the Empirical Understanding of Terrorism.'American Sociologist 35 (2): 5–26 (Doi: 10.1007/BF02692394). Crenshaw, Martha 1998. 'The Logic of Terrorism: Terrorist Behaviour as a Product of Strategic Choice.' Pp. 7–24 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Gambetta, Diego 2006. 'Can We Make Sense of Suicide Missions?' Pp. 259–299 in Making Sense of Suicide Missions, edited by Diego Gambetta. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Hafez, Mohammed and Quintan Wiktorowicz 2004. 'Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement.' Pp. 61–88 in Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, edited Quintan Wiktorowicz. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 147–208). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Kramer, Martin 1998. 'The Moral Logic of Hezbollah.' Pp. 131–157 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 27–60). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Tosini, Domenico 2009. 'A Sociological Understanding of Suicide Attacks.'Theory, Culture & Society (Forthcoming). Part 9. Mechanisms of Social Support A discussion of the economic, cultural, and political conditions which make possible the support for, and collaboration with, terrorist organisations by members of certain communities. Cook, David and Olivia Allison 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 1–85). Understanding and Addressing Suicide Attacks: The Faith and Politics of Martyrdom Operations. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. Chernick, Marc 2007. 'FARC‐EP: From Liberal Guerrillas to Marxist Rebels to Post‐Cold War Insurgency.' Pp. 51–120 in Terror, Insurgency, and the State, edited by Marianne Heiberg et al. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Hashim, Ahmed S. 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 59–124). Insurgency and Counter‐Insurgency in Iraq. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapter 4 (pp. 87–110). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Merari, Ariel 2005. 'Social, Organizational and Psychological Factors in Suicide Terrorism.' Pp. 70–86 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 6–8 (pp. 79–167). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Part 10. Social Networks and Recruitment An analysis of the motivations behind the process of joining terrorist organisations and of the role played by group dynamics and social networks. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Chapter 7 (pp. 165–186). Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 4–5 (pp. 99–173). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Horgan, John 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 47–79). The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge. Khosrokhavar, Fahad 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 149–224). Suicide Bombers. London, UK: Pluto Press. Pedahzur, Ami 2005. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 118–181). Suicide Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Stern, Jessica 2003. Chapter 9 (pp. 237–280). Terror in the Name of God. New York, NY: Harper Collins Publisher. Wintrobe, Ronald 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 108–157). Rational Extremism: The Political Economy of Radicalism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Part 11. Counterterrorism I: Legal Implications An overview of the emergency powers of antiterrorism legislations and 'special measures', and an analysis of their legal impact on the protection of human rights. Cole, David 2003. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 17–82). Enemy Aliens. New York, NY: The Free Press. Haubrich, Dirk 2003. 'September 11, Anti‐Terror Laws and Civil Liberties: Britain, France and Germany Compared.'Government and Opposition 38 (1): 3–29 (Doi: 10.1111/1477-7053.00002). Parker, Tom 2005. 'Counterterrorism Policies in the United Kingdom.' Pp. 119–148 in Protecting Liberty in an Age of Terror, edited by Philip B. Heymann and Juliette N. Kayyem. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Part 12. Counterterrorism II: Strategic Limitations An examination of the most important counterterrorism policies adopted since 2001, with special reference to the occupation of Iraq, and an assessment of their advantages and risks for combating and preventing terrorism. Nesser, Peter 2006. 'Jihadism in Western Europe After the Invasion of Iraq: Tracing Motivational Influences from the Iraq War on Jihadist Terrorism in Western Europe.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29 (4): 323–342 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100600641899). Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 12 (pp. 237–250). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Silke, Andrew 2005. 'Fire of Iolaus: The Role of State Countermeasures in Causing Terrorism and What Needs to Be Done.' Pp. 241–255 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Smelser, Neil J. 2007. Chapter 6 (pp. 160–199). The Faces of Terrorism: Social and Psychological Dimensions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 61–102). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.5. Films and videos Al‐Qaeda Film on the First Anniversary of the London Bombings. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/1186.htm)Excerpts from a message from 2005 London bomber Shehzad Tanweer and statements by Al‐Qaeda leaders Ayman Al‐Zawahiri and Adam Gadahn, posted on http://www.tajdeed.net.tc on 8 July 2006. A typical example of the communicative use of the Internet by Islamists in their attempt to frame terrorist attacks as legitimate acts of martyrdom, committed by courageous Muslims in defence of their brothers and sisters in occupied Muslim lands (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine). Al‐Qaeda Leader in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi's First Televised Interview. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/344/1118.htm)A video posted by the Islamist web forum http://www.alsaha.com on 25 April 2006, in which the Al‐Qaeda commander in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi (killed by an airstrike on 7 June 2006) outlines all the typical condemnations (by Islamist extremists) of the Iraq occupation by the US‐led coalition, and calls for a jihad against its forces and allies. Propagandising the military capabilities of Al‐Qaeda, the video culminates in footage of Al‐Zarqawi with masked fighters, firing an automatic weapon, and 'new missiles' developed by 'the brothers'. Al‐Arabiya TV Special on the Culture of Martyrdom and Suicide Bombers. 2005 (7 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/807.htm)Excerpts from a show about the culture of martyrdom, aired on Al‐Arabiya TV on 22 July 2005. The documentary investigates some of the most relevant religious and political justifications and symbolic representations among Islamist extremists in favour of suicide attacks. In particular, it looks at the Palestinian organisations Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and at the Lebanese Hezbollah. The film includes an interview with Maha Ghandour, the wife of Salah Ghandour, who was responsible for a suicide attack carried out in 1995 on behalf of Hezbollah against an Israeli military convoy. Battle For Haditha. 2007 (93 min)(http://www.nickbroomfield.com/haditha.html)In this film, the director Nick Broomfield looks at the dramatic events surrounding an incident that occurred in Haditha, Iraq, when 24 Iraqis were allegedly massacred by US Marines, following the death of a Marine in a bombing perpetrated by Iraqi insurgents. The harsh reality of the war is viewed from three perspectives: that of the US troops, the insurgents who committed the attacks, and a civilian Iraqi family. Iranian Animated Film for Children Promotes Suicide Bombings. 2005 (10 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/906.htm)Including excerpts from an Iranian animated movie for children, aired on IRIB 3 TV on 28 October 2005, this film is an example of the mechanisms of de‐humanization of the enemy (the Israelis), based on a tale of the ferocious murder of innocent people by Israeli soldiers. This incident is followed by a bomb attack framed as an act of martyrdom by young militants in revenge of the previous assassination. Paradise Now. 2005 (91 min)In his film, the director Hany Abu‐Assad focuses on the final days of two Palestinian militants as they prepare to carry out a suicide attack in Tel Aviv. Once childhood friends Said (Kais Nashef) and Khaled (Ali Suliman) are offered such an attack, they feel a sense of purpose in serving their people's cause, whereas a young Palestinian woman, after learning of their plan, tries to dissuade them from carrying out their missions. Paradise Now has been viewed as a controversial attempt to examine the motivations of suicide bombers. The Reach of War: Sectarian War in Iraq. 2006 (7 min)(http://www.nytimes.com/packages/khtml/2006/12/28/world/20061228_SECTARIAN_FEATURE.html)The New York Times journalist Marc Santora reports on some of the most violent and bloody effects of the sectarian violence perpetrated in Iraq during the civil war between Sunnis and Shiites, which has followed the occupation by the US‐led coalition. The Road to Guantanamo. 2006 (92 min)(http://www.roadtoguantanamomovie.com)Directed by Michael Winterbottom, the film tells the story of four friends beginning a holiday in Pakistan. Through a series of interviews and news footage, the film shows how they end up in Afghanistan, where are then captured by American forces and kept in harsh conditions at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for over 2 years. The Role of Foreign Fighters in the Iraqi Jihad. 2006 (9 min)(http://www1.nefafoundation.org/multimedia‐original.html)In this video, NEFA Foundation expert Evan Kohlmann documents the phenomenon of foreign fighters in Iraq and their role within the Sunni insurgency. The video includes footage of senior figures from Abu Musab al‐Zarqawi's terrorist group (including Lebanese, Saudi, and Kuwaiti nationals) and scenes from Al‐Qaida training camps in Iraq. The Suicide Bomber. 2005 (12 min)(http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/terrorism/july‐dec05/bombers_11‐14.html)In this debate aired on PBS on 14 November 2005, three experts (Mia Bloom, Mohammed M. Hafez, and Robert A. Pape) discuss what motivates suicide bombers and their terrorist organisations, with special reference to the 2005 hotel bombings in Amman, Jordan, where a female militant joining these attacks was found alive after her bomb failed to detonate. The Terrorist Propaganda (three videos):
Indexing Al‐Qaeda Online.
2005 (6 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/custom/2005/08/05/CU2005080501141.html?whichDay=1)
Without the Video, It's Just an Attack.
2007 (5 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/video/2007/09/28/VI2007092800608.html)
Al‐Qaeda's Growing Online Offensive.
2008 (14 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/article/2008/06/23/AR2008062302135.html)Over the last decade, terrorist propaganda on the Internet has increased dramatically. In these videos, experts discuss how insurgent groups, in particular Islamist extremists in Iraq and Afghanistan, are using new media to spread their messages worldwide, to chronicle their operations (including the assembly and emplacement of roadside bombs targeting US forces), to recruit, and to raise money.6. Focus questions

What challenges do researchers interested in terrorism studies face and why? What are the most important theoretical and methodological weaknesses in current terrorism research?
How can we define terrorism? What political controversies affect the definition of terrorism? When comparing different terrorism data sets, what kinds of diagnoses can we make on the tendencies of terrorist incidents in the last decade?
How has terrorism changed in history? Based on the literature concerning Al‐Qaeda's ideology, strategies, and structures, what continuities and discontinuities can we identify with respect to previous forms of terrorism?
When dealing with the explanation of terrorism, what are the most significant factors to be taken into account? How can we learn from the current literature on suicide terrorism in order to build a comprehensive model for its explanation?
Given the legislative and military responses to September 11 and subsequent attacks (e.g. the 2005 London bombings), what have been the legal consequences affecting our societies and the strategic implications for combating and preventing terrorist violence?

7. SeminarsParticipants will be divided into small groups of about three persons. Each group will be asked to make a contribution to a sociological analysis (either written or presented) of a specific armed organisation, such as:Al‐Gama'a Al‐IslamiyyaAl‐QaedaAl‐Qaeda in IraqAl‐Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (formerly Salafist Group for Call and Combat)Ansar Al‐SunnahAnsar Al‐IslamArmed Islamic Groups (GIA)Army of GodAum ShinrikyoChechen separatistsEgyptian Islamic JihadEuskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA)HamasHezbollahIrgun Zvai LeumiIrish Republican Army (IRA)Islamic Movement of UzbekistanJemaah IslamiyahKashmiri separatistsKu Klux Klan (KKK)Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)Lashkar‐e‐JhangviLibyan Islamic Fighting GroupPalestinian Islamic JihadPalestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO)Red Army Faction (RAF)Red Brigades (BR)Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)Taliban.For each armed organisation, each group will examine the following aspects:

data on its attacks – including information that justifies the label of 'terrorist organisation';
a historical account of its origins and developments;
an analysis of the strategy underlying its terrorist campaigns;
a clarification of its social support and collaboration (if any);
a profile of its militants and patterns of recruitment;
a discussion of the counterterrorism policies adopted by states and their impact on the terrorist organisation.

Note
* Correspondence address: Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Research, Piazza Venezia 41 – 38100 Trento, Italy, +39 0461 881324; +39 0461 881348 (fax); +39 347 2329219 (mobile); Email: domenico.tosini@soc.unitn.it http://portale.unitn.it/dpt/dsrs/docenti/tosini.htm

งานวิจัยครั้งนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์เพื่อ (1) เพื่อศึกษาภาพลักษณ์คนไทยในพหุวัฒนธรรมในรัฐปีนัง ประเทศ สหพันธรัฐมาเลเซีย (2) เพื่อศึกษารูปแบบและเนื้อหาการสื่อสารอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นไทย และ (3) เพื่อนำเสนอรูปแบบและเนื้อหาการสร้างภาพลักษณ์และการสื่อสารอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นไทยที่ส่งเสริมวัฒนธรรมและประเพณีไทย คณะผู้วิจัยสุ่มตัวอย่างแบบเจาะจง แบ่งเป็นผู้ให้ข้อมูลคนไทยในเกาะปีนัง จำนวน 30 คน โดยเป็นคนไทยที่มีสัญชาติไทย เชื้อชาติไทย และสัญชาติมาเลเซีย เชื้อชาติไทยที่พำนักอาศัยอยู่ในพื้นที่เกาะปีนัง ประเทศสหพันธรัฐมาเลเซีย ตั้งแต่ 5 ปีขึ้นไป สำหรับการสุ่มตัวอย่างผู้ให้สัมภาษณ์กลุ่มคนมาเลเซีย จะแบ่งสุ่มตัวอย่างแบบกำหนดโควต้า เป็น 3 กลุ่ม คือ คนมาเลเซีย เชื้อชาติมาเลย์ เชื้อชาติจีน คนมาเลเซีย เชื้อชาติอินเดีย กลุ่มละ 10 คน รวมทั้งสิ้น 30 คน เป็นตัวอย่างที่มีอายุระหว่าง 20 – 70 ปี ผลการวิจัยตามวัตถุประสงค์การวิจัย ได้ผลดังนี้ (1) ภาพลักษณ์คนไทยในพหุวัฒนธรรมในรัฐปีนัง คนไทยมองว่ามีทั้งแง่บวก ในด้านการนับถือศาสนา การใช้ภาษาไทย การสื่อสารด้วยรอยยิ้ม การกราบ และการไหว้ และแง่ลบ ได้แก่ คนไทยในรัฐปีนังมีลักษณะต่างคนต่างอยู่ แข่งขันกัน การเข้าไปทำงานที่ไม่เหมาะสม ข่าวเกี่ยวกับประเทศไทยผ่านสื่อที่เต็มไปด้วยความรุนแรง สำหรับคนมาเลเซียทั้ง 3 เชื้อชาติ ให้ความเห็นว่า คนไทยเป็นคนนิสัยดี มีมนุษยสัมพันธ์ สู้งาน เทิดทูนสถาบันพระมหากษัตริย์ ร่วมกิจกรรมของรัฐปีนังที่จัดขึ้นเสมอ รวมถึงได้เรียนรู้แลกเปลี่ยนภาษาไทยจากเพื่อนคนไทยด้วย นอกจากนี้ ประเทศไทยยังโดดเด่นเรื่องการท่องเที่ยว ทำให้คนมาเลเซียนิยมไปเที่ยว และภาพลักษณ์ในแง่ลบ มาจากการรับรู้ข่าวสารจากเมืองไทย ส่วนใหญ่รับรู้ในประเด็นการเมืองที่มีความรุนแรง และข่าวก่อการร้ายเสียเป็นส่วนใหญ่ (2) รูปแบบและเนื้อหาการสื่อสารอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นไทย ที่พบมาก คือ สื่อกิจกรรม ในที่นี้ คือ กิจกรรมทางศาสนาที่ทั้งคนไทย คนมาเลเซีย โดยเฉพาะคนมาเลเซียเชื้อชาติจีน ได้เข้าร่วมกิจกรรมด้วย เนื่องจากนับถือศาสนาเหมือนกัน และสื่อบุคคล โดยเฉพาะคนไทยเองที่จะช่วยเผยแพร่ประชาสัมพันธ์ศิลปวัฒนธรรมและความเป็นไทย โดยเฉพาะภาษาไทยและอาหารไทย นอกจากนี้ ก็จะพบการสื่อสารอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นไทยผ่านสื่อกิจกรรมในสถาบันการศึกษา การจัดกิจกรรมของสถานกงสุลไทยฯ สื่อออนไลน์ สื่อบุคคล สื่อป้าย บอร์ดประชาสัมพันธ์ต่าง ๆ สินค้าที่เกี่ยวกับประเทศไทย เป็นต้น (3) รูปแบบและเนื้อหาการสร้างภาพลักษณ์และการสื่อสารอัตลักษณ์ความเป็นไทยที่ส่งเสริมวัฒนธรรมและประเพณีไทย คนไทยในรัฐปีนังควรเน้นรูปแบบสื่อกิจกรรม (กิจกรรมทางศาสนา) และสื่อบุคคล (คนไทยเผยแพร่ภาษาไทยและอาหารไทย) นอกจากนี้ ควรมีสื่ออื่น ๆ สนับสนุน ได้แก่ สื่อออนไลน์ สื่อป้าย บอร์ด เพื่อการประชาสัมพันธ์ข่าวสารตามสถานที่สำคัญต่าง ๆ เช่น วัดไทย สถานกงสุลไทย สถาบันการศึกษา เป็นต้น ด้านเนื้อหา ควรแสดงให้เห็นถึงวัฒนธรรมอันดีงามของไทย ได้แก่ รอยยิ้ม การกราบ การไหว้ การเทิดทูนพระมหากษัตริย์ การใช้ภาษาไทย การสื่อถึงนิสัยใจคอของคนไทยที่เป็นคนสุภาพ มีมนุษยสัมพันธ์ สู้งาน ด้านศาสนาควรมีการประชาสัมพันธ์กิจกรรมวันสำคัญทางศาสนา และประเพณีต่าง ๆ ของไทย ซึ่งทุกชนชาติสามารถเข้าร่วมได้ที่วัดไทย การประชาสัมพันธ์การท่องเที่ยวเป็นอีกประเด็นที่คนไทยในรัฐปีนัง รวมถึงหน่วยงานที่เกี่ยวข้องควรให้ความสำคัญ เพราะมีนักท่องเที่ยวชาวมาเลเซียนิยมท่องเที่ยวในประเทศไทย และคนไทยในรัฐปีนังควรเป็นกระบอกเสียงเผยแพร่ข่าวสารที่ดีของประเทศไทยให้คนมาเลเซียและชนชาติอื่น ๆ เข้าใจสถานการณ์ทั้งทางด้านการเมือง เศรษฐกิจ และสังคม เพื่อป้องกันการเข้าใจผิดที่คลาดเคลื่อนได้ This research aims at (1) studying Thai people' s image in multi-cultures in Penang, Malaysia, (2) studying pattern and content for communicating Thai identity and (3) proposing pattern and content for image building and communicating Thai identity which promote Thai culture and tradition. The researchers used purposive sampling; 30 Thai people in Penang Island which are both Thai nationality - Thai race and Malaysian nationality - Thai race (Orang Siam) who have stayed in Penang Island for five years or more. For the Malaysian respondents, the researchers specified a quota for three groups; Malay, Chinese and Indian race. A group was made up often people; giving a total of 30 participants. The sample group is between the ages of 20 to 70 years old. The result according to the research objectives shows that the (1) Thai image in multi-cultures in Penang, regarding Thai people are expressed both positively and negatively. Among the positive feedback are that Thai people are respectful to religion, using Thai language, smiling, worshiping while the negative image are that Thai people live separately and compete with each other, work improperly, receives news from and about Thailand with violence. For the three Malaysian races, they think Thai people have good habit, establish good relationships, hard workers, worship the monarchy, participate with organized activities of Penang and learn and exchange Thai language with Thai friends. In addition, tourism of Thailand is outstanding; it inspires Malaysian people to travel. For negative image, it comes from news receiving from Thailand which is most violent politics and terrorism. (2) Most pattern and content to communicating Thai identity is activity media (religious activity) which Malaysian-Chinese can participate in because both Thai and Malaysian-Chinese respect same religion and personal media can do public relations about art, culture and Thai style; especially, Thai language and food. Furthermore, there is Thai identity communication through activity media at educational institute, Thai consulate, online media, personal media, banners, public relations boards, Thai products, etc. (3) pattern and content to build image and Thai identity communication which promote Thai culture and tradition, Thai people in Penang should focus on activity media (religious activity) and personal media to do public relations about Thai language and food. Moreover, there should be other medias which are online media, banners and boards for doing public relations in important places such as Thai temples, Thai consulate, educational institute, etc. In case of content, it should express excellent culture; smiling, worshiping, worshiping the monarchy, using Thai language, presenting Thai habit which is polite, has good relationship and work hard. For religion issue, there should be doing public relations about Thai important days in religion and tradition which every race can participate at Thai temple. To do public relations about Thai tourism is an issue which both Thai people in Penang and relating sectors should give importance because there are Malaysian tourists like traveling in Thailand. Finally, Thai people in Penang should be mediator disseminating good news from Thailand for other races to understand situations; politics, economics and society and protect misunderstanding from other people.

Afghanistan talks. Experiential isomorphism in the military / Joseph L. Soeters -- Introduction / Gerhard Kmmel -- European civilmilitary relations in transition : the decline of conscription / Karl W. Haltiner, Tibor Szvircsev Tresch -- News from the home front : communities supporting military families / Ren(c)Øe Moelker, Gabri(c)Øella Poot, Manon Andres, Ljubica Jeluic, Jelena Juvan, Leena Parmar, Maren Tomforde -- Attitudes and opportunities : self-selection and anticipatory socialization effects in youth perceptions of the military / Stephen C. Trainor -- The military and civil society in Korea / Doo-Seung Hong -- Military organization and asymmetric conflicts : changing approach / Eraldo Olivetta -- Hidden agenda in Paraguay : the dilemma of external democratization through U.S. military co-operation / Anke Schnemann -- Military and politics in south and central America : the self-perceptions of the armed forces in Latin America / Tony Kr(c)·onert -- Introduction / Giuseppe Caforio -- Language matters in the military / Andrea van Dijk, Joseph L. Soeters -- Introduction / Bandana Purkayastha -- The impact of counterterrorism and strain on Palestinian terrorism / Maya Beasley -- Communal conflict, state failure, and peacebuilding : the case of Ambon, Indonesia / Iwan Gardono Sudjatmiko -- National business, civil war abatement and peacebuilding / Syed Mansoob Murshed -- National youth service : an institution for building and sustaining peace / Donald J. Eberly -- Building and sustaining the fabric of peace : notes from the field / Bandana Purkayastha -- The impact of asymmetric warfare on the military profession and structure : lessons learned from the Ottoman military / A. Kadir Varoglu, Mesut Uyar -- Dr. Strangelove or how I learned to stop worrying and love the bomb : suicide attacks in asymmetric warfare / Gerhard Kmmel -- The asymmetric warfare : in search of a symmetry / Giuseppe Caforio -- Use and impact of information-communication technology in modern conflict : the war in Iraq / Uro Svete -- Terrorism and security in the caribbean before and after 9/11 / Dion E. Phillips -- General Introduction / Giuseppe Caforio, Bandana Purkayastha, Gerhard Kmmel Editors. - The study of armed forces and conflict resolution has undergone important developments at the turn of the millennium, driven by emerging events. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of the Cold War, the resurgence of nationalism and religious wars, ethnic cleansing, September Eleven, the War on Terror, and asymmetric warfare, the United Nations' inability to manage and successfully conclude military operations, are so many flash points of how much things have changed since the Cold War. The action of militaries has become more important, more difficult, more controversial, and, at the same time, insufficient, without parallel methods and political actions for resolving conflicts.As scholars conceptions of conflicts have changed, so have their understanding of conflict resolution and peace. This latter scholarship now spans analyses of the role of governments, civil institutions, and organized groups. The studies of building and sustaining peace now span institutional, inter-actional, and interpersonal levels in order to conceptualize a more holistic, long-term vision of peace.This book brings together contributions from scholars of various social science disciplines on three themes that appeared significant for the study of the phenomenon of conflict and conflict resolution. The first theme is centered on the new aspects of war in the twenty-first century where asymmetric warfare has changed many rules of the game, imposing a profound transformation on the military, not only tactical, but also structural, preparatory, mental and ideological.The second theme regards the delicate relations between the armed forces and societies. The ever-greater technicality of military operations and their lower comprehensibility to the broad public as a result, together with increased sensitivity in many countries in regard to the use of violence and death, have created social situations and problems that deserve to be investigated. The third theme, building and sustaining peace, operationalizes different types and levels of violence and conflict. It assesses ongoing efforts, for instance, governments trying to contain or diffuse conflict, businesses and national service schemes building peaceful civil spheres, and the efforts of organized groups to claim, shape, and extend the spheres of life that are free of conflict

Gender issues have recently flourished in the public attention due to the women's mobilizations for their rights during the last decade. This dissertation provides three empirical essays related to the gender economics documenting the marriage timing long-term determinants, the intra-household women's empowerment, the housework division and the conflicts in the couple.Chapter 2 investigates the long-run effects of missionary' activities in Togo and Benin on the marriage market. Using a newly own-collected dataset on mission's location and past schooling supply, we show that women who are located near historical missions tend to be more educated and get married latter. Excluding the religious conversion role to explain the delay of their marriage, we show that this effect is significantly linked to the marriage payment norms. Our mechanism states that higher bride price associated to higher education increases the women's marriage age.Chapter 3 refers to the literature about the effect of women political participation on women's empowerment. We exploit the geographic heterogeneity of the Arab Spring Events in Egypt to show that the most exposed women to high protest intensity are more likely to have final say in their household, and to experience a decline in the acceptation of the domestic violence and their daughters' circumcision. Alternative measures of women's political direct participation during the revolution at geographical level support our findings. Chapter 4 analyses the effect of the stay-at-home policy during the 2020 Spring in France on the household chores division and the occurrence of the conflicts at home. Relied on own-collected data about French partnered women, we show that the lockdown did not offer an opportunity to strongly renegotiate the housework and childcare between partners. We find that men only changed their participation in household chores when they became a `quasi-leisure' because of the pandemic. We also document that an unbalanced division of the domestic production is directly linked to an increase of the intra-household conflicts. ; Les questions de genre ont récemment fait l'écho d'une attention croissante dans l'opinion publique durant la dernière décennie en raison d'une mobilisation sans précédent des femmes dans la lutte pour leurs droits. Cette thèse s'appuie sur trois essais empiriques documentant les déterminants de long-terme de l'âge au mariage des femmes, la prise de décision au sein du ménage des femmes, la répartition des tâches et les conflits dans le couple.Le Chapitre 2 étudie la persistance dans le temps de l'effet des missionnaires et de leurs activités au Togo et au Bénin sur le marché matrimonial. Porté par un nouveau jeu de données collecté par l'auteur sur l'implémentation et l'offre scolaire des missionnaires, ce travail montre que les femmes qui se situent à proximité des missions historiques ont tendance à être plus éduquées et se marient plus tard. En éliminant le rôle de la conversion religieuse dans l'explication de ce temps de célibat, nous montrons que notre effet est directement lié aux normes sociales de la dot. Notre mécanisme s'appuie sur le fait que l'augmentation du nombre d'années d'éducation augmente le prix de la dot et par conséquent l'âge au mariage des femmes.Le Chapitre 3 s'insère dans la littérature sur les effets de la participation politique des femmes sur leur émancipation. En exploitant l'hétérogénéité géographique du Printemps Arabe Égyptien, nous montrons que les femmes plus exposées à des fortes intensités révolutionnaires sont plus impliquées dans les prises de décisions de leurs ménages, ainsi qu'elle rejettent davantage la justification de la violence domestique et l'excision de leurs filles. Des mesures alternatives de participation politique directe durant la révolution confirment nos résultats.Le Chapitre 4 analyse les effets du confinement durant le printemps 2020 en France sur la division des tâches ménagères et la survenance des conflits au sein du couple. En s'appuyant sur un échantillon de femmes en couple issu de données d'enquête collectées par les auteurs, nous trouvons que cette période particulière n'a pas permis de renégocier réellement le partage des tâches. En effet, nous montrons que les hommes augmentent seulement leur participation dans les tâches qui deviennent des ``quasi-loisirs'' durant la pandémie. Par ailleurs, nous documentons qu'une répartition inégalitaire du travail domestique est directement liée à une augmentation des conflits intra-ménages.

Abstract: Islamic fundamentalism has often been accused as a source of conflict so that it should be ended immediately. And the radical movement should put forward a complete understanding of diverse religions. Likewise, in every movement, it is necessary to keep the political and economic interests away from religion, because such factors triggers inter-religious conflict. The brutal act by a group of people who claims the most righteous by displaying the most sinister and frightening face of Islam, is really far from Islamic values. Islam is rahmatan lil 'alamin, especially towards fellow Muslims who believe in the truth of Islam based on the Koran and the Sunnah as the main and first source of Islamic teachings. If this motto is implemented seriously, the conflicts that have occurred will not be repeated. In its further development, fundamentalism undergoes a change, a shift, and is further away from its origin. The discussion of fundamentalism today is more associated with a negative impression that Islam is a religion of violence, anti-progress and establishment, conservative, antiWestern, and always takes violence to achieve its goals. This labeling and stigmatization of course has greatly marginalized Islam in international relations. This kind of stigmatization can be understood by Muslims so that they also hold counters in various ways, including counter discourse. However, the efforts made by Muslims have not been able to change the world view of Islam, especially the Western world. Islam to this day is still perceived as a violent religion. امللخص: كام يتم التعبري عنها يف كثري من األحيان يف شكل اتهامات ، بأن األصولية اإلسالمية مصدر للرصاع ويجب إنهاؤها عىل الفور. ويجب أن تعزز حركة الراديكالية الفهم الكامل ملختلف األديان. وباملثل يف كل حركة ، يجب إبعاد املحتوى السيايس واالقتصادي عن التنوع ، ألن هذا عامل يثري الرصاع باسم الدين. إن العمل الوحيش ملجموعة من األشخاص الذين يشعرون باألمان ويشعرون بالصالح من خالل إظهار الوجه األكرث رشاً وخوفاً لإلسالم بعيد كل البعد عن القيم اإلسالمية. اإلسالم هو رحمة لألمني ، وخاصة تجاه إخوانهم املسلمني الذين يؤمنون بحقيقة اإلسالم عىل أساس القرآن والسنة باعتبارها املصدر الرئييس واألول للتعاليم اإلسالمية. إذا تم طرح هذا ، فلن تتكرر النزاعات التي حدثت. يف التطورات الالحقة ، شهدت األصولية تغيريات وتحوالت وأبعدت عن أصلها. إن مناقشة األصولية يف الوقت الحايل مرتبطة أكرث باإلسالم بانطباع سلبي بأن اإلسالم دين عنيف ومعاد للتقدم ومؤسس ومحافظ ومعاد للغرب ويتخذ العنف دامئًا لتحقيق أهدافه. وبالطبع فإن هذا ً التوسيم والوصم يهمش اإلسالم حقا يف العالقات الدولية. ميكن للمسلمني أن يفهموا ويفهموا هذا النوع من الوصم حتى يتصدوا لها بطرق مختلفة ، مبا يف ذلك الخطاب املضاد. إال أن الجهود التي يبذلها املسلمون مل تكن قادرة عىل تغيري نظرة العامل اإلسالمي ، وخاصة ُنظر إىل اإلسالم عىل أنه دين عنف. العامل الغريب. حتى اآلن ، ال يزال يAbstrak: Seperti yang sering diungkapkan dalam bentuk tudingan, bahwa fundamentalisme Islam merupakan sumber konflik sehingga harus segera diakhiri. Dan gerakan radikalisme harus mengedepankan pemahaman yang utuh tentang beragam agama. Begitu pula dalam setiap gerakan, muatan politik dan ekonomi perlu dijauhkan dari keberagaman, karena inilah faktor yang memicu terjadinya konflik yang mengatasnamakan agama. Tindakan brutal sekelompok orang yang merasa paling aman dan merasa paling benar dengan menampilkan wajah Islam yang paling seram dan menakutkan, sungguh jauh dari nilai-nilai Islam. Islam adalah rahmatan lil 'alamin, terutama terhadap sesama umat Islam yang meyakini kebenaran Islam berdasarkan Alquran dan Sunnah sebagai sumber utama dan pertama ajaran Islam. Jika ini dikedepankan maka konflik yang telah terjadi tidak akan terulang kembali. Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, fundamentalisme mengalami perubahan, pergeseran, dan semakin jauh dari asalnya. Pembahasan fundamentalisme saat ini lebih banyak dikaitkan dengan Islam dengan kesan negatif bahwa Islam adalah agama yang kekerasan, anti kemajuan dan kemapanan, konservatif, anti Barat, dan selalu mengambil kekerasan untuk mencapai tujuannya. Pelabelan dan stigmatisasi ini tentu saja sangat memarjinalkan Islam dalam hubungan internasional. Stigmatisasi semacam ini dapat dipahami dan dipahami oleh umat Islam sehingga mereka pun mengadakan tandingan dengan berbagai cara, termasuk tandingan wacana. Namun upaya yang dilakukan oleh umat Islam belum mampu mengubah pandangan dunia Islam, khususnya dunia Barat. Islam hingga saat ini masih dipersepsikan sebagai agama kekerasan.