Suchergebnisse

The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized.

Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement.

Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations.

The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

In the revolutionary year 1905, Odessa became an area of violence in the tension of social, religious and cultural upheaval. In this year there were strikes, escalations of revolutional mood, a fire in the port after the arrival of the battleship «Knjaz´ Potemkin-Tavričeskij» («Potemkin») in the night of June 14-15. Arrival of the rebellious battleship was a significant event not only for the city of Odessa and the Russian revolution, but also for the history of the fate of Jews of the early 20th century. This was the first armed insurrection in the course of the revolution, which moved Odessa and its social, geographical and semiotic city spaces. The «Potemkin days» entered the history of the city of Odessa mainly through the periodicals of that time but also through the Russian-Jewish literature such as Lazar Karmen's story «Potemkin Days» (1907), Korney Chukovsky's essay «1905, June» (1958) and Vladimir Jabotinsky's novel «The Five» (1936). These works depict not only the resulting collective violence but also its semiotic and social spaces in the city. Up until now, this field has not been investigated in any historical, cultural or literary research. The focus of this paper is to analyse geographical, social and symbolic city spaces in Odessa with the help of the space theories by Jury Lotman and Michel de Certeau. Both scholars work with the definitions of the city, the place and the space, which are significant for the selected literate works about Odessa in 1905. The analysis will show not only the ambivalence, mobility and variability of city spaces, but also the narrators expectations and thus the fate of Jews in Odessa and the perspectives in the historical processes for them — assimilation or emigration.

The article discusses the evolution of theories of social revolution from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. The author analyzes the basic concepts of theorists and practitioners of the armed revolutionary struggle - from the founder of the classical Communist theory of Karl Marx to the Mexican guerrilla leader Subcomandante Marcos. The author focuses on the analysis of changes in the understanding of the subject ("driving forces") of the left political revolution, as well as the strategy of armed revolutionary struggle. The author comes to the conclusion about the historical evolution of the subject of the revolutionary struggle from major sustainable macro-groups ("classes"), targeted at the armed struggle, to self-born (by the network principle) unstructured protest groups, situational leaders, mild forms of the revolutionary struggle, which minimize the armed violence, though do not eliminate it completely. The author substantiates the conclusion about the absence in the modern protest movement of social forces, able to become the subject of revolution socialist orientation. This increases the danger of dominance of the social protest of extremist nationalist and religious political spectra. The author offers two models of response to this threat: the growing influence of the reigning centre-right conservative parties of Russia; return to center-left positions of the social democratic movement of the countries of the European Union.

Situations with uncertain developments and results are more often taking place in the world of politics. In this regard, the role of actors who are interested in the implementation of plans for peaceful conflict resolution and non-violence is becoming more urgent. The modern world is replete with situations in which a decision should be made only by qualified intermediaries (mediators), whose purpose is to resolve the conflict by the most effective and painless method. This article discusses the main aspects of the technology which is new for the political reality - political mediation as a vital means for solving complex inter-ethnic and interconfessional problems. The author attempts to identify general and specific characteristics of the conflict field that are peculiar for both international and inter-ethnic contradictions arising in the process of multilateral relations of nations with each other and between ethnic groups in multi-ethnic space. At this, the attention is focused on the fact that the conflicts arise out of the contradictions between the interests of these social organisms. The article provides the system of argumentation of the thesis that the use of mediation technologies helps to achieve the combination of the parties' autonomy and to guarantee a mutually beneficial result on a common ground. For this purpose the conflicting parties endow a third party with certain powers - the mediator, who is involved in order to look at the conflict from the side and help conflicting actors to get rid of excessive emotion and bias in a dispute. Thus, political mediation is a form of alternative expert and political dispute resolution and settlement, voluntarily elected by conflicting communities on the basis of their desire to reach agreement and political objectivity. (author's abstract)