Suchergebnisse

'Religious Violence in Contemporary Japan: The Case of Aum Shinrikyo' by Ian Reader is reviewed.

This article talks about the reason driving people to involve in religious violence

The present study tries to investigate the causal model of religious violence using SEM (Structural Equation Modeling) approach. Previous quantitative research in social movements and political violence suggests that there are, at least, three factors, that caused violent collective actions, including religious violence: 1) the more fundamentalist people are, the more likely they justify violence, 2) people with lower trust in government is more likely to justify violence, and 3) opposing the second argument: only people with low trust in government and high political efficacy are more likely to justify violence. Based on the data of 343 respondents, the activists of Front Pembela Islam, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, this study confirms that the more fundamentalist people are, the more likely they are to justify violence regardless of their organizational affiliations. On the contrary, this study does not support the argument for the relationship between trust in government and violence. Similarly, the relationship between violence and the latent interaction of trust and political efficacy is not supported by the data. Therefore, this study suggests that fundamentalism, a type of religiosity, is a salient factor to explain religious violence.[Penelitian ini berusaha mengkaji sebab kekerasan keagamaan dengan menggunakan pendekatan Model Persamaan Struktur (SEM). Penelitian kuantitatif terdahulu dalam bidang gerakan sosial dan kekerasan politik menunjukkan bahwa setidaknya ada tiga faktor yang diduga kuat menjadi penyebab kekerasan kolektif, seperti kekerasan agama, yaitu: 1) semakin fundamentalis seseorang, maka ia akan semakin cenderung menyetujui pernggunaan cara kekerasan, 2) semakin rendah kepercayaan seseorang terhadap pemerintah, maka ia akan semakin menyetujui penggunaan kekerasan, 3) berbeda dengan pendapat ke-dua, hanya orang yang rendah kepercayaanya kepada pemerintah, namun mempunyai semangat politik tinggi, yang akan menyetujui penggunaan cara-cara kekerasan. Berdasarkan pada data yang diambil dari 343 responden dari para aktivis, Front Pembela Islam, Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama, penelitian ini mengkonfirmasi bahwa semakin fundamentalis seseorang, maka ia akan semakin cenderung menyetujui kekerasan, terlepas dari afiliasi organisasi mereka. Namun demikian, penelitian ini tidak mendukung hubungan antara kepercayaan terhadap pemerintah dan kekerasan. Demikian juga, hubungan antara kekerasan dan interaksi antara kepercayaan pemerintah dan semangat politik tidak dapat dibuktikan dari data dalam penelitian ini. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa fundamentalisme, sebagai salah satu bentuk keagamaan, merupakan faktor yang sangat penting dalam menjelaskan kekerasan keagamaan.]

The purpose of this article is to use René Girard's mimetic theory in order to rethink the thorny relationship between religion, culture and violence and to relate it to some of the key issues in international relations theory. In doing this, I will examine the concept of the 'ambivalence of the sacred', which underlies much scholarly research on religion and international relations – what factors, under which conditions, does religion contribute to peace or to violence. As I will show, mimetic theory questions, or at least reconfigures, the mainstream construction of the problem of religion and violence – the violent eruptions that disturb social peace and social cohesion – to critically examine the sources of the unveiled, hidden, violence and the scapegoat ideology that operates in domestic society and in foreign policy to maintain any society's cultural and political order.

International audience ; In exploring anti-civilian violence and alleged plots undertaken in the UK by small groups often termed 'salafi-jihadi' and popularly called 'terrorists', the essay attempts to present alternative routes of analysis. The violent events or plots seen recently in the UK present a political and sociological form that is different to state-centric and transnational migrant politics, including political Islam and communitarian Muslim identity politics. The discussion of events in the UK extends to an analysis of a systematic pattern of association between youths in the UK and Pakistani militias operating in Kashmir. The origins and ideologies of the militias are explored and the dynamics of the militia movements in relation to UK events are considered.

In exploring anti-civilian violence and alleged plots undertaken in the UK by small groups often termed 'salafi-jihadi' and popularly called 'terrorists', the essay attempts to present alternative routes of analysis. The violent events or plots seen recently in the UK present a political and sociological form that is different to state-centric and transnational migrant politics, including political Islam and communitarian Muslim identity politics. The discussion of events in the UK extends to an analysis of a systematic pattern of association between youths in the UK and Pakistani militias operating in Kashmir. The origins and ideologies of the militias are explored and the dynamics of the militia movements in relation to UK events are considered.