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The author goes back to the roots of religious radicalism in the Islamic world and charts the ways it can be opposed. Having analyzed the Western political, economic, and cultural impact on the Muslim civilization he concludes that the Muslim countries stand a chance of joining the globalization process on an equal footing with others if they are able to reform public consciousness.

This article analyzes the methodologies prevailing in the world for measuring religious freedom and the results of inter-country comparisons obtained on their basis. The range of religious freedom in Azerbaijan is assessed by comparing the number and severity of its legislative and practical restrictions with those of other countries of the region, particularly with those of the states of the Central Caucasus. The author regards the high religious tolerance of Azeri society confirmed by the rating studies of international analytical centers as one of Azerbaijan's comparative sociopolitical advantages. Azerbaijan's main problems in religious development bring the author to conclude that a new strategy should be drawn up in this area, the basic idea of which he believes should be a gradual rejection of legislative and administrative methods for preventing religious fanaticism and a transfer to a higher level of its prevention based on using the creative force of religious values themselves and educating a new generation of clergy.

The World Health Organization has confirmed the severe health consequences of noise pollution. Paradoxically, conflicts and regulations seem more common not where noise pollution reaches the worse levels. As a new "trend" in health related issues, it seems to be more seriously taken in the West, arguably a great deal quieter than less developed countries. In the latter, the battle has been picked up by the more affluent or middle income segments of the population. But when it comes to limit noisy religious signals, they often meet strong resistance, specially in interfaith contexts, but also in Indonesia, among members of the same religion. In order to overcome cultural and political factors, they are sometimes turning to a public health narrative. It implies a shift in sensory and sleeping patterns, not unlike pre-industrial Europe, but relatively new for these regions. ; Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (WHO) telah mengonfirmasi konsekuensi kesehatan yang parah dari polusi suara. Paradoksnya, konflik dan peraturan tampak lebih umum bukan di mana polusi suara mencapai tingkat yang lebih buruk. Sebagai "tren" baru dalam isu-isu yang terkait dengan kesehatan, tampaknya lebih serius diambil di Barat, bisa dibilang jauh lebih tenang daripada negara-negara kurang berkembang. Pada yang terakhir, pertempuran telah diambil oleh segmen populasi yang lebih makmur atau menengah. Tetapi ketika datang untuk membatasi sinyal agama yang berisik, mereka sering menghadapi perlawanan yang kuat, khususnya dalam konteks antar agama, tetapi juga di Indonesia, di antara anggota agama yang sama. Untuk mengatasi faktor budaya dan politik, mereka terkadang beralih ke narasi kesehatan masyarakat. Ini menyiratkan pergeseran pola sensorik dan tidur, tidak seperti di Eropa pra-industri, tetapi relatif baru dalam konteks ini.

The present study is an effort to gather research aspects for religious education in Pakistan. Religious education, most commonly known as madrasa education, has a profound history titled as Nizamiyah. Historical changes in the Muslim regions have influenced this mode of education as well. It has been argued by some researchers that positivity of faith based education has diminished due to the changes in international political and economical scenario. Terrorism was found to be a strongly associated variable with madrasa education and researchers have reasoned it with poverty, strong mentoring system and misconceptualizations of some religious beliefs. This study has found that while madrasas are perceived very negatively, research shows that there are positive influences regarding availability of education and women empowerment. The negativity is attributed largely to media misrepresentation and political interests.

This article explores religious terrorism, a concept that has received a lot of attention from academics and the international community. It briefly looks at the definitions of terrorism and religious terrorism, in order to give clarity to the rest of the article. The article presents two sides of a debate. One side is that religious terrorism is in fact a unique and separate phenomenon. The other side is that "religious terrorism" is not fundamentally different from terrorism, and rather is a misrepresentative term made up by academics in the West in order to further their political agenda. The authors argue that even if some people to justify violent acts use religion, nevertheless the basic tenets of most religions are peace and tolerance. Religion has the potential to prevent, mediate, and resolve conflict, as well as heal and reconcile after violence has occurred. In order to counter terrorism, religious leaders need to work tirelessly around the world to uphold the peaceful aspects of religion.

Despite secularisation, there is growing recognition that some religious parties continue to influence elections and the formation of policy in several countries. But what explains why religious parties persist in some countries but not others? This study tests an argument holding that religious diversification promotes political cooperation and therefore reduces the number of religious parties. Using a data set of religious parties across advanced industrial democracies between 1945 and 2011, this paper analyses this argument and finds that religious diversity puts downward pressure on the number of religious parties over time.

A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on religion. ; Bevan, E. R. Brothers all . 1914. -- Clutton-Brock A. Are we to punish Germany, if we can? . 1915. -- Clutton-Brock A. The cure for war .1315. -- Dearmer, P. Patriotism . 1915. -- Drawbridge, C. L. Morality without religion . 1318. -- Haw, G. The religious doubts of democracy . 1904. Illingworth, J. R. Divine immanence . 1310. -- Illingworth, J. R. Divine transcendence . 1913. -- Illingworth, J. R. Personality human and divine . 1305. -- Lambert, H. The ethics of international trade . 1915. -- Lenwood, F. Chariots of fire .1915. -- Lenwood, F. Pharisaism and war . 1915. -- Maltby, W. R. Active service . 1914. -- Oldham, J. H. The church the hope of the future . 1915. -- Oldham, J. H. The decisive hour .1914. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 14

Most studies of electoral behaviour in New Zealand do not pay much attention to thereligious-secular cleavage. While a few studies noted a religious-secular cleavage prior to theadoption of proportional representation, most have assumed that such a divide since 1996 hasbeen confined to the margins of electoral politics, with religious voters supporting smallerthird parties over National. This article re-evaluates this conclusion using data from the NewZealand Election Study since 1990. The analyses show that, rather than supporting smallthird parties more clearly representing issues of concern to them, religious voters have votedlargely for National in most elections as part of a religious-secular cleavage between Nationaland Labour. Fluctuation in support for National among religious voters is tied to National'selectoral fortunes: religious voters have been more likely to support National when the partyhas been likely to form the next government, but more likely to cast votes for third partieswhen National's prospects have been poor.

This paper discusses the impact of COVID-19 on religious practices and religious conviviality in two local governments within Ibadan Metropolis-Ibadan North and Akinyele Local Government Areas. Beyond the impact of the pandemic, it also discusses the reformulations and strategies embarked upon by both Christian and Muslim leaders in ensuring that religious activities are not totally grounded, and that their religious communities remained closely knitted together. Qualitative data, through the use of individual in-depth interviews and participant observation, were collected over the space of three months, from December 2020 to March 2021. Findings reveal some general and unique impacts, which include: temporary disembodiment, an onslaught on religious and civic engagements, shrinking finances that halted earmarked projects, and the challenges of support for grieving members. In addressing these impact on activities, religious leaders embarked on some reformulations that include: employing the usage of digital technology where it applies; the transition to the use of house fellowships and cell gatherings; the (re)calibration of welfare systems to meet current demands; and the leveraging on the skills of the youth population to intensify religious worship and to sustain conviviality. The paper argues that these readjustments present a continuation to religious activities, which otherwise might seem, from a superficial perspective, as a total disembodiment.

This paper explains how political, religious, and economic changes in Yogyakarta affect the formation of religious identity and social distance between different religious groups. The strengthening of religious identity in this area took place in the period of the Diponegoro War (1825-1830) when religious issues were used in the mobilization against the Dutch colonialist. Then, the spread of Christianity in Java at the end of 19th led to several tensions between missionaries and several Islamic organizations, but never developed into communal violence. In 1930s, the relation between religious groups remain harmonious due to the development of tolerant culture and pluralism. During the 1980s, the use of religious identity grew both in urban and rural areas in line with social processes of modernization. Da'wat activities on Campus (Lembaga Dakwah Kampus) plays important roles in promoting religious life in urban areas. The 1998 political reform marked the rise of religious fundamentalist movements that to a certain degree contributes to social distance between religious groups.

This study aims to describe religious fundamentalism problems. Radicalism movement is caused by textual religious understanding and social as well political condition that are not conducive to the religious fundamentalism group. The finding of this research indicated that religious fundamentalism has transformed into radical and terrorism movement. The transformation of religious understanding from fundamentalism, radicalism, to terrorism is triggered by the dissatisfaction of radical group on the government, in terms of economic and political condition as well law enforcement activities. This research also indicated that religious radicalism group spreads the ideology by using mosque as the basis of their movement as well as educational institution. Mosque is also considered as power relation by religious radicalism group. This research was conducted through interviews and Focus Group Discussions with organizations and religious leaders categorized as Religious Fundamentalism

This paper explores the ways in which attachment disruptions might increase the risk of adult religious psychopathology by drawing parallels between the possible symbolisms lying behind religious violence and the concept of attachment. It is first argued that the relationship between a religious believer and a religious figure can be explained as an attachment experience. Secondly, it is proposed that when a religious attachment figure becomes a target of slander, or an action is perpetrated to disrupt the bond with such a figure, the religious believer may be predisposed to defensive, adaptive reactions, in the form of protest, despair, or detachment, to protect their attachment bond and resolve the disruptions that threaten their religious attachment identity. Support for this theoretical proposition was obtained through discourse analyses of three case examples (Charlie Hebdo vs al-Qaeda, Boko Haram vs the Nigerian government, and Pastor Terry Jones vs Islamic radicalisation), which position attachment theory as an alternative explanatory framework for conceptualising religious violence as a form of religious attachment psychopathology—aimed at safeguarding the affectional bond with a religious figure from whom one may have developed a sense of identity and safe haven.

A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on religion. ; Adams, J. Q. The time of the end . 1924. -- Barrow, Sir I. . Sermons on evil-speaking . [1887?] -- Hall, J. Thoughts for the old year and the new . [c1873] -- Kenrick, F. P. Form of consecration of a Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church . [1868] -- Salmond, S. D. F. . The Sabbath . [n.d.] -- Thomasson, A. P. On the road to theocracy, divine government . 1924. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 14

This paper discusses the impact of COVID-19 on religious practices and religious conviviality in two local governments within Ibadan Metropolis-Ibadan North and Akinyele Local Government Areas. Beyond the impact of the pandemic, it also discusses the reformulations and strategies embarked upon by both Christian and Muslim leaders in ensuring that religious activities are not totally grounded, and that their religious communities remained closely knitted together. Qualitative data, through the use of individual in-depth interviews and participant observation, were collected over the space of three months, from December 2020 to March 2021. Findings reveal some general and unique impacts, which include: temporary disembodiment, an onslaught on religious and civic engagements, shrinking finances that halted earmarked projects, and the challenges of support for grieving members. In addressing these impact on activities, religious leaders embarked on some reformulations that include: employing the usage of digital technology where it applies; the transition to the use of house fellowships and cell gatherings; the (re)calibration of welfare systems to meet current demands; and the leveraging on the skills of the youth population to intensify religious worship and to sustain conviviality. The paper argues that these readjustments present a continuation to religious activities, which otherwise might seem, from a superficial perspective, as a total disembodiment.

The paper investigate attitudes of respondents belonging to different confessional, religious, socio-demographic, socio-structural and socio-cultural strata within the dominant Catholic population towards " religious others" – members of other main branches of the same religion in Croatia (Catholic/Orthodox/Protestant), members of other religions (Islam, Judaism), members of " sects" or New Religious Movements, and non-religious people – through the use of Bogardus' social distance scale. The question about social distance towards different religious groups was included in the questionnaire of ISSP survey " The Role of Government" , conducted by the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb in 2006 on a representative national sample (N=1200) of the Croatian adult population aged 18 years or more. The results showed the general social distance towards all religious others besides Catholics, and specifically the greater social distance toward religious communities which are new or which have not been present in this area for more than one century. Also, social distance is smaller towards non-religious than towards " the religious other" . Religiously affiliated respondents express greater social distance towards all religious groups and towards non-religious respondents than do those without religious affiliation. More religious respondents and religious practitioners express greater distance. Different socio- structural and socio-cultural characteristics of respondents also effects social distance, the predictor of greater distance being lower education, rural residential status and belonging to certain region (Lika and Banovina, Dalmatia).