*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.
*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.
This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.
The aim of the article is to show some trends in contemporary transformation of the public domain, and draw attention to certain analogies that occur between changes in the urban space and social modernization processes taking place at a wider, nationwide scale. In addition to the introduction and the conclusion, the text consists of two main parts: dedicated to theoretical considerations and empirical findings. The first part presents more general issues concerning the nature and significance of the urban public space and ways of interfering in its shape, taking into account in particular the phenomena referred to as revitalization (urban renewal) and gentrification. In the second part, for illustrative exemplification, three specific cases of modernizing impacts of various nature and effects that took place in recent years in Warsaw were briefly discussed.
W wyniku zmian ustroju Polski po 1989 r. podmiotowość odzyskały samorządy terytorialne, na które nałożono obowiązek zaspokojenia zbiorowych potrzeb społeczności lokalnych, wymieniając podstawowe zadania w tym zakresie. Zadania te sprowadzić można do dbałości o rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy oraz o zagospodarowania przestrzenne. To dla osiągnięcia tych celów samorządy lokalne opracowują strategie rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego oraz studia uwarunkowania i kierunków zagospodarowania przestrzennego, a także miejscowe plany zagospodarowania (phisycal plans) i przystępują do ich realizacji. Niedoskonałość regulacji prawnych, zwłaszcza dotyczących gospodarki przestrzennej oraz nie zawsze dobrze zrozumiane zadania samorządu w tym zakresie sprawiają, że często nie lokalna władza, a inwestorzy, właściciele nieruchomości, deweloperzy budownictwa mieszkaniowego, konsorcja projektowo-budowlane, a także różnego rodzaju spekulanci mają wpływ na dokonujące się zmiany. Innym zadaniem dla władz lokalnych, które należy rychło podjąć, a czego regulacje prawne znajdują się w fazie ustalania, jest rewitalizacja zdegradowanych obszarów miast oraz terenów wiejskich. Nie może pozostać poza sferą zainteresowania samorządów polskich miast polityka miejska, do czego zobowiązuje członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej, jakkolwiek brak jest stosownych regulacji prawnych w tym względzie. Przez okres 25 lat polskie samorządy lokalne stały się bardziej dojrzałe, umocniły swoją pozycję gospodarza terenu i coraz lepiej wykonują swoje zadania. Nie oznacza to tego, że nie może być lepiej. Działalność struktur samorządowych wymaga odpolitycznienia, priorytetowego potraktowania interesu ogólnospołecznego, uspołecznienia procesu decyzyjnego dotyczącego rozwoju oraz odejścia od kliencko-patronackiego modelu sprawowania władzy. ; As a result of the changes in Poland's political system after 1989, self-government has regained agency as administrative entity and is now obliged to satisfy the collective needs of local communities. There is a list of the basic tasks vested in local self-government and they generally involve taking care of socio-economic and spatial development. To accomplish these goals, local government authorities work out strategies of socio-economic development, prepare studies of the conditions and directions of spatial development, and draw up local development plans.However, because of inadequate legal regulations, especially those concerning spatial economy, and sometimes also due to a poor understanding of the tasks, it frequently happens that entities in control of the changes are not local authorities, as should be the case, but investors, property owners, housing construction developers, design-construction consortia, or all kinds of speculators. Another urgent task before local authorities (the legal regulations of which are still being drawn up) is revitalisation of the degraded parts of towns and rural areas. Urban policy cannot be of no interest to the local authorities of Polish towns, since it became obligatory when Poland joined the European Union. And yet, there are no legal regulations in this field either. For the last twenty-five years, Polish local self-government has gained in maturity, has strengthened its position as manager of its areas, and has performed its tasks ever better. This, however, does not mean that there is no room for further improvement. The activity of self-government structures needs de-politicising, giving priority to general social interests, socialising the development-related decision-making process, and departing from the client-patron model of exercising power.
The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations. ; The author analyzing in his article following problems: Conditioning of security for the Western system; Western countries in the global environment in the demographic-economic dimension; Urban centers in the Global South and they influence on western strength; Poland in Europe and in the Western System; Strength or Demise of European multiculturalism. As the European people are in the process of aging, the Old Continent need immigrants, but it must repair the damage that disengagement has brought about. Europe needs a renewal of the civic society based on the proper politics of assimilation and multiculturalism stemming from the tendency to institutionalize. However, the situation now is very difficult as the result of aggressive act of the Islamic State and the wave of immigrants, not only refugees. The main task of this paper is to explain the currently situation without providing any recommendations.
In June 2015 the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy announced an amendment to the Labour Code, which is the reaction to the prevalence of employment based on-fixed term contracts in Poland. The scale of this phenomenon is not observed in any other E. U. state. New regulations may result in a decrease in the share of fixed-term employees of the total number of employees to be observed in the last few years. The Ministry intends to replace the limit of the renewals of a job contract concluded with an employee (currently the second renewal of the contract results in the conclusion of a permanent job contract) with another restriction: the total duration of such contracts should not exceed 33 months. The problem of an excessive share of flexible forms of employment has been widely analysed in the literature in recent years. It has become the subject of studies in the area of economy and sociology as well as an issue addressed by labour law experts. The expansion of flexibility has also received criticism from the trade unions, which influenced the mass media discourse - it is enough to mention the popularity of the term 'junk contracts' since 2012. The author attempts to comprehensively analyse the problem of flexible forms of employment, which include such issues as: the reasons for their popularity among employers, the scale of the use of particular forms based on the available statistical data, the construction of protective regulations of domestic labour law in the light of the requirements resulting from the E. U. and the I. L. O. membership, as well as social and economic consequences of the use of flexible forms of employment.
The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania). ; The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania).
Abstract: The presidential election campaign in 2008 was dominated by two issues – foreign policy and the growing budget deficit. Barack Obama's announcement of a complete reversal of the aggressive policy of his predecessor proved to be an effective tactic, allowing him to win the presidential election. From this point on, instead of military force, the superpower was to use dialogue and diplomacy. Renewal of the US image in the world required from Obama the ending of foreign policy based on hard power, preventive and unilateral action, in favor of close cooperation with other participants in international relations. ; Prezydencką kampanię wyborczą w 2008 r. zdominowały dwie kwestie – polityka zagraniczna i rosnący deficyt budżetowy. Zapowiedź Baracka Obamy o całkowitym odwrocie od agresywnej polityki poprzednika okazała się skuteczną taktyką, umożliwiającą mu wygranie wyborów prezydenckich. Od tej pory supermocarstwo zamiast siły militarnej miało wykorzystywać dialog i dyplomację. Odnowienie wizerunku USA na świecie wymagało od prezydenta Obamy odejścia od polityki zagranicznej opartej na hard power, samodzielnych, prewencyjnych i jednostronnych działaniach, na rzecz bliskiej współpracy z innymi uczestnikami stosunków międzynarodowych.
Niniejszy artykuł w całości dotyczy teoretycznych wyznaczników zmian systemowych w Unii Europejskiej projektowanych na okres 2014–2019. Autor zdecydował się w nim na naukową identyfikację oraz analizę wybranych pojęć – głównie o charakterze neoidealistycznym – pomocnych w wyjaśnieniu zmian zachodzących w systemie Unii Europejskiej. Istotne dla autora stało się stworzenie koniunktywnego schematu pojęciowego służącego do przygotowania empirycznych antykryzysowych strategii, prognoz i scenariuszy zmian systemowych. Schemat ten jest szczególnie ważny w kontekście kantowskiej metodologicznej architektoniki czystego rozumu. Podstawą jest tu proces poznania rozumowego z uszeregowanych pojęć – układających się w jeden zwarty systemat analityczny. Warto zauważyć, że proces wyróżniania wyznaczników (pojęć) związanych ze zmianą systemową w Unii Europejskiej obywać się musi przy zachowaniu uważności metodologicznej – zarówno tej jakościowej, jak i ilościowej.Z uwagi na powyższe kolejne założenie analityczne dla tego tekstu opiera się na przekonaniu autora, że zmiana mająca charakter przekształcania (regulacji, jak i transformacji) powinna dokonywać się głównie pod wpływem teorii, idei i wizji czy też konkretnych wyznaczników, a nie wciąż zmiennych i reaktywnych działań politycznych aktorów/podmiotów uczestniczących w procesie integracji europejskiej. ; The entire paper is dedicated to the theoretical indicators of systemic change in the European Union, envisaged for the period from 2014–2019. The author decided to perform an academic identification and analysis of selected terms, mainly neo-idealistic terms, that are helpful when explaining the changes taking place in the EU's systems. It was important for the author to design a conjunctive conceptual framework for the purpose of developing empirical anti-crisis strategies, forecasts and scenarios of systemic changes. This framework is particularly important in the context of a Kantian methodological architecture of pure reason. This is based on a process of rational cognisance from ordered concepts, forming a single, coherent analytical system. It should be noted that the process of identifying the indicators (concepts) related to systemic change in the European Union has to take place, while maintaining methodological attentiveness both in qualitative and quantitative terms. Therefore, the author makes another analytical assumption for this paper, on the basis of his conviction that change which occurs as transformation (regulation and reshaping) should primarily take place under the influence of theories, ideas, visions or concrete indicators, rather than the constantly changing and reactive political activities of the actors/entities participating in the European integration process.
Niniejszy artykuł w całości dotyczy teoretycznych wyznaczników zmian systemowych w Unii Europejskiej projektowanych na okres 2014–2019. Autor zdecydował się w nim na naukową identyfikację oraz analizę wybranych pojęć – głównie o charakterze neoidealistycznym – pomocnych w wyjaśnieniu zmian zachodzących w systemie Unii Europejskiej. Istotne dla autora stało się stworzenie koniunktywnego schematu pojęciowego służącego do przygotowania empirycznych antykryzysowych strategii, prognoz i scenariuszy zmian systemowych. Schemat ten jest szczególnie ważny w kontekście kantowskiej metodologicznej architektoniki czystego rozumu. Podstawą jest tu proces poznania rozumowego z uszeregowanych pojęć – układających się w jeden zwarty systemat analityczny. Warto zauważyć, że proces wyróżniania wyznaczników (pojęć) związanych ze zmianą systemową w Unii Europejskiej obywać się musi przy zachowaniu uważności metodologicznej – zarówno tej jakościowej, jak i ilościowej.Z uwagi na powyższe kolejne założenie analityczne dla tego tekstu opiera się na przekonaniu autora, że zmiana mająca charakter przekształcania (regulacji, jak i transformacji) powinna dokonywać się głównie pod wpływem teorii, idei i wizji czy też konkretnych wyznaczników, a nie wciąż zmiennych i reaktywnych działań politycznych aktorów/podmiotów uczestniczących w procesie integracji europejskiej. ; The entire paper is dedicated to the theoretical indicators of systemic change in the European Union, envisaged for the period from 2014–2019. The author decided to perform an academic identification and analysis of selected terms, mainly neo-idealistic terms, that are helpful when explaining the changes taking place in the EU's systems. It was important for the author to design a conjunctive conceptual framework for the purpose of developing empirical anti-crisis strategies, forecasts and scenarios of systemic changes. This framework is particularly important in the context of a Kantian methodological architecture of pure reason. This is based on a process of rational cognisance from ordered concepts, forming a single, coherent analytical system. It should be noted that the process of identifying the indicators (concepts) related to systemic change in the European Union has to take place, while maintaining methodological attentiveness both in qualitative and quantitative terms. Therefore, the author makes another analytical assumption for this paper, on the basis of his conviction that change which occurs as transformation (regulation and reshaping) should primarily take place under the influence of theories, ideas, visions or concrete indicators, rather than the constantly changing and reactive political activities of the actors/entities participating in the European integration process. ; 8 ; 19 ; 32 ; 2 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
