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The perspectives of Paul Celan, Primo Levi, & Sarah Kofman, all of whom experienced the Holocaust & later committed suicide, are used to describe the relationship between silence, voice, & representation on the theme of the Holocaust. Celan contended that language fails humans in understanding the Holocaust, although language itself survived, & was marked by the event. His poetry speaks to a possible relation to an Other. For Levi, the you that listens to stories of the Holocaust is silent & carries the potential of refusing to grant meaning to words. Those who experienced the Holocaust, the utter witnesses, have been annihilated, so the survivors can only try to write from their falling silent, even if it means speaking in the names of the annihilated. Kofman felt that it was impossible to narrate a true history of Auschwitz, because the narrator is absent. The duty remains to speak & write, but to write at the thresholds of language, places of difference between silence & voice. M. Pflum

After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

After discussing the relationship between "descriptive" & "substantive" representation, explored is whether increases in the former (the actual number of representatives) have led to increases in the latter (the ability to represent constituent interests) for African Americans in GA. The state's political culture from the 1960s until the end of the 20th century is described, focusing on elections & office holding. Events that led to increased black representation in the state general assembly are identified & the creation of the Georgia Legislative Black Caucus is examined. Data from house & senate journals & the website of the general assembly are used to analyze African American committee membership & chairpersonship, 1979-2000, as well as roll-call voting patterns during the 1990s; comparisons are drawn between the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on a wide range of general & race-related issues. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Discussion begins with a look at September 11, 2001, as an event per Jean-Luc Nancy (2000) & the Bush administration's process of hegemonization, which centers on an "us vs them" binary equal to the civilized West vs the barbarous Other. This has resulted in an elision between terrorist & radical as seen in New Republic editor Peter Beinart's (2001) condemnation of the antiglobalization movement, which includes critical reference to Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri's Empire (2000). September 11 is preserved as an event, retaining its political character, so as to resist the manner in which it has already become hegemonized. At issue is the relationship between representation & response. The logic of violence in the totalizing mobilization of the Bush administration's counterterrorism is examined as an expansion of the event. This response relies on a representation based on the civility-barbarism split, which ignores US Christian & capitalist fundamentalisms while vilifying Islamic fundamentalism. In this light is positioned Hardt & Negri's idea that radical politics is unrepresentable; thus, their account of representation is scrutinized. By eschewing representation, they do not provide the tools necessary to resist the hegemony of global capital's militarization, essentially adding to the Bush administration's assault on representative democracy. How the event can be represented so that a better response might ensue is then considered, finding that Hardt & Negri's multitude, nation, & Empire lack the capacity to offer another ethnopolitical response to September 11, whereas the divisive representation in a politics born of partisanship might provide the resources needed for a more adequate response. J. Zendejas

Looks at substantive versus descriptive minority representation initially via the state of Georgia's plan to redraw voting areas prior to the 2002 elections as a means of redistributing black voters, who typically vote Democrat, throughout numerous voting districts heavily filled with Republican voters. Prior to doing so, preclearance from the Department of Justice was necessary, as laid out in section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, was quickly denounced by John Ashcroft, & ultimately fought in court. From this expands to the wider questions of substantive & descriptive representation generally, & minority electability & congressional legislation of minority-supported issues, including those of Hispanics, between the years 1974 & 2000, including methodology of data collection & analysis. As part of including Hispanics, looks at this minority group both separately from African-Americans, & too, the two groups collectively, to determine points of differentiation, similarity, & of general interest. Proceeds by trying to understand how districts would be redrawn to maximize minority representation substantively & descriptively, while concluding that, amongst other things, blacks now can be elected in the south more easily than before the implementation of the VRA, whereas the same is untrue for Hispanics. Figures, Appendixes, References. J. Fullmer

Investigates the representational content of the virtual reality experience produced by Dactyl Nightmare (trademarked name), a game played on a Virtuality Ltd. 1000CS Cyberspace unit. Typically, cultural meanings of embodiment in virtual reality are analyzed in terms of formal, textual, or symbolic representations. It is suggested that this method fails to account for how corporeality in virtual systems is produced precisely through the level of embodiment. It is in the act of negotiating one's digital self that cultural meanings are reproduced. Crucial to this act of negotiation is how bodies are already produced & mediated as digital in other, nondigital domains. Thus, in Dactyl Nightmare, the digital self is framed by many familiar forms of media, eg, TV drama & advertising, before a participant enters the digital world. It is shown that, in this game, standardized methods of imagining the digital self intersect with individual histories in such a way that participants are required to choose to participate or to resist those standardized virtual subjectivities. Rather than producing a singular subjectivity, virtual games such as Dactyl Nightmare present contradictions that may be worked out in numerous ways. 40 References. D. Ryfe

"The question of the Chinese Representation in the United Nations (UN) arose with the People's Republic of China (PRC) putting forward its demand for a seat in the Security Council on January 18, 1949. Since 1951, the government of the PRC annually applied to be seated instead of the government of the Republic of China (ROC) as the representative of China. With the adoption of General Assembly Resolution 2758 on 25 October, 1971 expelling the Nationalist government and recognizing the government of the PRC as the only legitimate representative of China, the issue of the Chinese representation came to a close. The objective of this paper is to reconstruct and analyse the struggle over the issue of the Chinese representation in the UN. It will discuss the different solutions to the problem in light of USA's (United States of America) involvement with the security of Taiwan and suggest a realistic assessment of the ultimate outcome of the struggle from a ROC point of view." (extract)

Representations of violence in Pandav Lila, a traditional ritual dramatization of India's epic Mahabharata, are examined to show that the indigenous category of varna (class) is just as important as "gender" in understanding these representations. The discussion is guided by the theoretical assumption that public ritual events are significant sites of collective self-definition. Performances of Pandav Lila, found only in Uttar Pradesh, involve recitations, music, dance, & drama. All residents participate in these performances, which usually take place only once in a generation in any single village. The epic is a story of a cataclysmic war & violence is prominent. Although the characters who participate in violence are mostly male, certain female characters are among the most violent. Representations of both male & female violence are described & interpreted to illustrate the strong influence of the Hindu concept of class. It is noted that both male & female Rajputs participate in violent acts (sacrifice) & dramatizations of them, while individuals from other classes do not. 14 References. J. Lindroth