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The basic theoretical premise of this article is that representation does not necessarily imply a break with democratic principles. Its goal is to challenge the traditional liberal-elitist approach to representative government according to which this system is a mixed regime that is not identifiable with democracy since its main institution, election, is a mechanism that is inherently aristocratic, although it can be implemented in a democratic way. I question this powerful argument by questioning its main assumption: the idea that representative government, since its 18th-century inception, has had a linear and univocal history which was essentially undemocratic.I go back to the age of the French Revolution and analyse Condorcet's plan of constitution in order to prove my case. Condorcet devised institutional mechanisms and procedures that were able to make representative government democratic by overcoming the polarization between representation and participation and making them related forms of political action constituting the continuum of decision-making and opinion formation in modern democratic society.

Includes mention of a few members of the Paulett family. ; Also published with cover-title: The Paulett family. ; An account of the Virginia Assembly of 1619. ; Signed: W. R. Garrett . Nashville, Tenn. ; Cover-title: History of the first legislative assembly ever convened in America. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Representative government, as every student of political science well knows, is now under fire. While it is not necessary to take too seriously the statements made by delirious purveyors of new remedies for old discontents, we cannot fail to take note of the fact that a strong tide of opinion has set in against this famous institution of democracy. On the continent of Europe, dictators either reject it entirely or seek to reduce it to purely advisory functions. In England, rumblings are heard to the effect that the Mother of Parliaments is not well herself; propositions for drastic changes come from members of the House of Commons; and if economic depression and unemployment continue for another ten years it is highly probable that some radical experiments will be made in the direction of concentrating economic powers. The United States is not without its troubles. When in the summer of 1931, with the deepening of the industrial crisis, it was urged that a special session of Congress be called to deal with national distress, President Hoover rather tartly rejected the petition and indicated that our great representative body was more likely to retard than to help "the process of recovery."

The League of Women Voters of Texas is a non-partisan organization that works to promote political responsibility through active informed participation of all citizens in their government. In 1919, the Texas Equal Suffrage Association evolved into the Texas League of Women Voters, and today is recognized as the League of Women Voters of Texas. Their hallmark activity is the circulation of Voters' Guides through newspapers prior to elections; locally, regionally, statewide, and nationally. The League's intent is dissemination of information on political candidates, and the objective promotion of "political responsibility through informed and active participation of citizens in government." The organization's efforts, however, are by no means limited to politics, but also address issues on water, health care, hazardous wastes, education, energy, and such international concerns as the United Nations. ; The records of the League of Women Voters of Texas also reflect socio-economic changes in the United States with the active organizational membership drives of the mid to late 1970s in response to American society's evolution into a two income family. Collectively, the materials provide researchers with invaluable insight into politics and political concerns on an international, national, statewide, and local basis. ; The collection consists of materials from national, state, and local files, financial materials, photographs, and publications of the National, Texas, and local leagues, as well as other state leagues. Also included are a study of the national league, scrapbooks, memorabilia, vice-presidential program files, and printed materials. The focus of the collection is on state committees and local units. ; Highlights from the donation include the original 1919 minutes from the Texas Equal Suffrage Association authorizing the organizational conversion to the Texas League of Women Voters, films produced by the group on legislative processes, the 104th Congressional recognition given and signed by Texas Senator ...

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- I. BACKGROUND AND DEFINITIONS -- 1. An Introduction -- 2. The Output of Governments -- 3. The Institutional Framework -- II. THE STRUCTURE OF DEMAND -- 4. The Origins of Political Action -- 5. The Instruments of Political Participation -- 6. The Demand for Government Policies -- III. THE STRUCTURE OF SUPPLY -- 7. The Behavior of Political Parties -- 8. Technical Constraints on the Behavior of the Governing Party -- 9. The Behavior of Bureaus -- IV. RESOURCE ALLOCATION IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR -- 10. The Equilibrium Quantity of Government Policies -- 11. Comparative Statical Displacements of Equilibrium -- 12. Conclusion -- V. APPENDIX -- Appendix 1. The Case of Non-private Goods -- Appendix 2. The Long-Run Empirical Behavior of Public Expenditures -- Index

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1955

In 19th-century Europe, democracy was not embraced with the same enthusiasm it now enjoys. Conservative critics questioned central democratic normative principles, while liberals tried to correct the limitations of actual democratic practice. While accepting the inevitability of democracy, 19th-century liberals often resisted the idea that universal suffrage guaranteed the wisdom of the people's choices. Nothing better illustrates this difficult apprenticeship of democracy than the writings of Francois Guizot, whose political thought focuses on the relationship between liberalism & democracy. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.