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The article looks into the contemporary challenges for higher education in the era of unexpected global turbulences following the processes of globalisation not only in the social, political, economic and financial contexts but also in the educational domain. Multidimensional reality has brought its changes to communication and risen the standards of effective communication much higher than forecast in the previous years. The global developments drive for efficiency in intercultural dialogue, which causes reconsideration of the lingual status of education in multinational classrooms. The burning issues arise more sharply for cross border communication for business and diplomacy purposes. It means that a high demand in the educational market for LSP instructors (LSP – languages for specific purposes) at philology departments in Ukraine and abroad has started moving higher education to become more business oriented and stakeholder and university partnered. That said, it is necessary to analyse the existing foundations for poly- / multiculturality in higher education as supported by governments and the government of Ukraine, in particular, as well as go deeper into the levels of the research concept, the methodological level, to be more precise. As part of the research, the paper describes the key methodological approaches to foster and cultivate poly- / multiculturality in multi-dimensional classrooms – polylingual and multicultural. Such approaches are viewed fundamental to educate high-class LSP instructors in the field of foreign language instruction and acquisition in higher education. Among them are the systemic approach including the structural one, the synergic approach to cultivate poly- / multiculturality with future LSP educators in foreign language classrooms, cross-cultural approach, axiological and communicative approaches, environmental and reflexive approaches, etc.

This research deals with the frameworks of political analysis of the issue of the demonstrations in the news bulletins of the Iraqi satellite channels represented by Al-Iraqiya, Dijla and Al-Atija channels, which were selected according to an exploratory study conducted by him. Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The researcher concluded to a sample of the public that these channels are the most followed, and the orientations of these three channels differ, where Al-Iraqiya TV represents the official view of the state, while Dijla TV represents a partisan viewpoint opposing the government's policy. While the channel represents the Islamic line and then one of the channels of the Union of Islamic Radios and Channels in Iraq, the research problem was represented in the main question "What are the frameworks for political analysis of the issue of demonstrations in Iraq. Iraqi satellite news releases? This research is descriptive research, and the researcher used the survey method and the content analysis tool, where he analyzed the eight pm news bulletins for the chosen period and mentioned in the time domain of the research, so the analysis was done in a comprehensive inventory method: (an interview represented by (55) interviews on the trend channel, and (50) interviews on Al-Iraqiya channel, and (40) interviews. Interviews on Dijla channel, the researcher reached a number of results, the most important of which are: 1. The frameworks for the proposed solutions to the issue of the demonstrations came first within the frameworks mentioned in the political analysis, due to the interest of political analysts in resolving the issue before it is too late and the situation recedes. Al-Iraqiya channel topped this framework and tried to find solutions and avoid a collision between the government and the demonstrators and sought calm. 2. The warning framework came in second place among the frameworks, and the warning frameworks launched by political analysts varied, including warnings to the government in dealing with the ...

This research addresses the issue of the mutual influence between the administrative judge and the constitutional judge using a comparative analytical approach. In the beginning, the researcher discusses the role of the administrative judge in protecting the rights and freedoms of individuals by presenting the basic elements that prove the effective implementation of this control, such as proportionality and disciplinary decisions. The research also discusses the primary constitutional issue in France, or what some call the review of raising the issue of the unconstitutionality, to demonstrate the strengthening of the role of the judge and his involvement in reviewing the constitutionality of laws. Then the research discusses the role of the constitutional judge in protecting the rights and freedoms based on the achievements of the French constitutional judge, starting with his decision on freedom of association (1971), in which he enshrined the constitutional value of the preamble of the 1958 constitution. What gives the decisions of the Constitutional Council the utmost significance is their compulsory as they are imposed on the judiciary and administration automatically (the power of the case). Then the research addresses and analyzes the positive mutual impact between the constitutional judge and the administrative judge, so it first presents the confirmed influence of the administrative judge, as he turns into a miniature constitutional council through his role in reviewing the unconstitutionality. The researcher also presents the position of the jurist Bernard Stern, who believes that the administrative judge is the one who does not want to violate the authority of the Constitutional Council while he can enforce strong and violent control over the work of the Constitutional Council. Even though the issue of mutual influence between the administrative judge and the constitutional judge is fluctuating, the harmony and cooperation between them remain the master of the situation.

This study aims to examine administrative efforts as Premium Remidium in the settlement of State Administrative disputes (TUN) in Indonesia. In particular, the discussion in this study regarding administrative efforts as a premium remidium in state administration disputes in Indonesia, the legal consequences of not carrying out administrative efforts by the plaintiffs, and discussing the advantages and disadvantages of implementing administrative efforts in the settlement of state administration dispute. The research method used in this research was normative juridical and used secondary data consisting of laws related to government administration as the primary material and secondary legal materials, namely literature related to research problems. Based on the results of the study, it is known that administrative efforts are the premium remedy (main drug) in the settlement of state administration disputes in Indonesia. The legal consequences that arise when the settlement of the state administration dispute is not preceded by administrative efforts but directly submits a lawsuit to the Administrative Court, namely the lawsuit can be declared not accepted by the judges. Administrative efforts have advantages and disadvantages related to the state administrative dispute resolution mechanism in Indonesia.

,Ex-convicts must wait for a five-year gap after passing their prison term and announce their background if they want to run for governor, regent, or mayor, according to the Constitutional Court's decision Number 56/PUU-XVII/2019. The election of regional heads is an activity in the context of implementing a government system in the form of democracy. In the implementation of regional head elections, to get quality regional leaders, it takes qualified candidates promoted by political parties as well as those who run independently. Among the requirements for a regional head candidate, both at the provincial and district/city levels, a candidate must not be in a status of an ex-convict. The research method in this research was normative juridical. This research shows that based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, ex-convicts are also citizens who have the same political rights as other citizens. The existence of a provision that is a requirement to run as a candidate for the regional head in the election clearly limits or even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their rights. The decision of Constitutional Court No.42/PUUXIII/2015 states that ex-convicts can participate in regional head elections with certain conditions.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

: Indonesia has potential in cooperation on the intermission of UN peacekeeping tasks, although the need for UN intermission does not occur frequently (incidentally), but it needs to be prepared in order to anticipate opportunities and challenges in the development of the situation in UN PKOs, as has happened to the Indonesian Armed Forces Engineer Company Taskforce/Garuda Contingent. XXXII-C, through a decision-making mechanism based on the UN Resolution in UN PKOs to carry out the intermission of peacekeeping tasks from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015). The Kizi Taskforce TNI/Konga XXXIIC/MINUSTAH or Konga XXXVII-A/MINUSCA, can complete their duties as UN peacekeepers on duty at the UN Mission in MINUSTAH - Haiti and carry out UN Peace Task Intermissions in MINUSCA, in order to prepare missions in the African Republic Center (CAR). On this "rare" opportunity, the UN intermission process can be carried out properly through effective diplomacy and negotiations, so that the TNI/Konga XXXII-C Kizi Taskforce can carry out tasks in two different missions at once. And on this occasion, the researcher tries to explore the data in the form of a research entitled "Implementation of the United Nations Peacekeeping Taskforce; Case Study of Intermission of Satga IEC/Konga XXXII-C from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015)", In this study, I tried to explain the mechanism and implementation of the UN peacekeeping mission, accompanied by various challenges and obstacles faced in the area of operation. as well as the steps and efforts taken to overcome them, so that the task of ending the mission of the IEC/Garuda contingent in Haiti and the reopening of the UN mission in the Central African Republic can take place safely and smoothly. The researcher explored this research, considering that this form of intermission assignment rarely occurs, not only in the IEC Taskforce/Garuda Contingent, but also in UN peacekeeping operations.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is previously not a homogenous model, nor a school or a paradigm, but at most a shared respective in doing linguistics, semantics, or discourse analysis. The objective of CDA is to perceive language use as social practice. The researchers in this paper have done this at the 58th session of the UN General assembly, New York. The theoretical framework used for the analysis is Fairclough's model, 1992. This research paper has analysed the data qualitatively. This research work has explained and clarified the intellectual and invulnerable strategies, ideologies of President Musharraf, Pakistani president for global, political, economic, social and cultural development not only for his own country but for the entire world, especially developing countries. CDA of G-P-M speech shows that his motto is peace, security and development of human rights, implementation of international law, social justice for everyone and multilateral diplomacy by the support of the war on terror and cooperation with the international community. Pervaiz Musharaf has presented a positive and soft image of Pakistan.

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.

Dear colleagues, Welcome to the "Journal of Policy & Governance"! In my opinion, an editorial may reflect the general direction of the journal, values, strategy, priorities, goals and objectives, and so on. This is the first edition of the Journal of Policy & Governance where I act as the Editor-in-Chief. The title of the journal includes two key concepts, the "Policy" and the "Governance", and they are crucial for the target audience of the journal. That is, the field of "Policy Science": policy cycle, problem identification for analysis, policy environment, resources, stakeholders' analysis, communications (strategic, multilevel, etc.), policy tools and evaluation, etc. Also, these are values, objectives and methodology of the research and policy analysis, policy as the process and reasons for state intervention, evidence-based policy, quantitative and qualitative methods of data processing and the formation of evidence in the policy process and so on. The field of governance is also valuable for research: democratic, good, sensitive, multilevel, digital, and so on: Service State, public consultation, and interaction between government, business and civil society in the policy-making process. Common decisions, power and out of power policy makers, leadership, analysts and policy actors also require semantic and empirical content in the articles of the journal.

: Higher Education, no doubt, has been universally acclaimed as the bedrock for national development and effective Leadership as the drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Qualitative teaching and learning remains the engine room that derives good governance and propels leadership positions. Leadership, however, cannot exist without Readership. The two are relatively interwoven. Leadership and readership has over the years become critical issues in organizational theory and practice. Thus, leadership and readership need to be taken up as a cause to be promoted in pursuit of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria. Reading is a great investment in one's personal development and, by extension, in achieving desired academic excellence. In this research, concrete effort is made to clarify the key concept of Leadership and Readership as drivers of academic excellence in the Institutions of higher learning in Nigeria, especially in the Polytechnic System. The research equally investigates both internal and external factors militating against academic excellence in Nigeria citadel of learning and finally makes recommendations, among which is training and retraining of employees, discouragements of unnecessary political interferences in appointments into academic leadership positions, Staff recruitments, admission of undergraduate students and effective monitoring policy of civil service rules.

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.

Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.