Suchergebnisse

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

Despite the fact that survivors of Soviet political repressions still feel the adverse long-term consequences of historical trauma (Kazlauskas, 2006), and their children notice some sort of negative impact of historical family trauma on their own psychological well-being (Vaskelienė, 2012), the results of this dissertation showed that the second and third generation offspring of politically repressed families do not differ in their post-traumatic reactions from those, who do not have such historical trauma experience in their family, but they are characterized by higher estimates of psychological well-being, subjective happiness, resiliency, optimism and hope. Significant protective factors involved in transgenerational trauma transmission in Lithuanian population are the following: more accurate knowledge of family member experiences of political repressions; greater identification with family history; more frequent expression of sadness, use of more symbols or humour, and more frequent expression of strength and pride in family communications about historical events; less frequent mother overprotection and more frequent father care in childhood; more frequent contact with family members or friends for help and praying. A model of psychological resilience to transgenerational trauma transmission was formulated and evaluated, in which the main protective factor of transgenerational trauma transmission is identification with family history. The most significant predictor of identification with family history is the expression of sadness in family conversations about historical traumas.

The European Union supports the Hyogo Framework for Action to promote disaster risk reduction and risk awareness worldwide (Rizikos mažinimas: gaivalinės ir žmogaus sukeltos nelaimės, 2021). The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) "Strengthening the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters" is a 10-year plan adopted by 168 UN member states that have voluntarily committed themselves to five priority actions to reduce the world's natural hazards and increase resilience to disasters. The HFA covers the 2005-2015 period. It was replaced by a post-2015 period. Risk Reduction Action Program, was adopted at the 3rd World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction on 14-18 March 2015 in Sendai, Japan.

The European Union supports the Hyogo Framework for Action to promote disaster risk reduction and risk awareness worldwide (Rizikos mažinimas: gaivalinės ir žmogaus sukeltos nelaimės, 2021). The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) "Strengthening the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters" is a 10-year plan adopted by 168 UN member states that have voluntarily committed themselves to five priority actions to reduce the world's natural hazards and increase resilience to disasters. The HFA covers the 2005-2015 period. It was replaced by a post-2015 period. Risk Reduction Action Program, was adopted at the 3rd World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction on 14-18 March 2015 in Sendai, Japan.

Compulsory basic military training is characterized not only by being challenging but also by being stressful. Assuming a high frequency of perceived stress events as a negative outcome of training, this article provides evidence on how the perceived frequency of stressful situations is affected by three types of factors: (i) biological stress response variables measured by hair steroid hormone levels, (ii) personality traits measured using the Big Five personality test, and (iii) group cohesion measures in military squads. A total of 112 conscripts in 11 squads participated in the research at the beginning (T1), in the middle (T2), and at the end (T3) of compulsory basic military training. Hair steroid hormone levels (cortisol, cortisone, and dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA)) levels were measured by liquid mass spectrometry; other data were collected using self-report questionnaires. The results of the Poisson regression analysis indicated that hair steroid hormone cortisol had a statistically significantly impact and could increase the perceived frequency of stressful situations by up to 1.317 (e0.275, T2) times. The concentrations of other hormones (cortisone = 1.157, e0.146, T3 and DHEA = 1.020, e0.020, T3) also had a statistically significant effect. Other factors had a decreasing effect on the frequency. Extraversion was significant with an effect of 0.907 (e−0.098, T2) and 0.847 (e−0.166, T3), while task cohesion had an effect of 0.946 (e−0.056) and norm cohesion of 0.954 (e−0.047). The research indicates that the three groups of factors affect the perceived frequency of stressful situations during compulsory basic military training, but their impacts are considerably different.

Compulsory basic military training is characterized not only by being challenging but also by being stressful. Assuming a high frequency of perceived stress events as a negative outcome of training, this article provides evidence on how the perceived frequency of stressful situations is affected by three types of factors: (i) biological stress response variables measured by hair steroid hormone levels, (ii) personality traits measured using the Big Five personality test, and (iii) group cohesion measures in military squads. A total of 112 conscripts in 11 squads participated in the research at the beginning (T1), in the middle (T2), and at the end (T3) of compulsory basic military training. Hair steroid hormone levels (cortisol, cortisone, and dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA)) levels were measured by liquid mass spectrometry; other data were collected using self-report questionnaires. The results of the Poisson regression analysis indicated that hair steroid hormone cortisol had a statistically significantly impact and could increase the perceived frequency of stressful situations by up to 1.317 (e0.275, T2) times. The concentrations of other hormones (cortisone = 1.157, e0.146, T3 and DHEA = 1.020, e0.020, T3) also had a statistically significant effect. Other factors had a decreasing effect on the frequency. Extraversion was significant with an effect of 0.907 (e−0.098, T2) and 0.847 (e−0.166, T3), while task cohesion had an effect of 0.946 (e−0.056) and norm cohesion of 0.954 (e−0.047). The research indicates that the three groups of factors affect the perceived frequency of stressful situations during compulsory basic military training, but their impacts are considerably different.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.