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CITAC (Coimbra's Academy Theatrical Initiation Circle) is a university theater group created in 1956 in Coimbra, Portugal. The history of this group was used as a case study, leading us to the idea that there are theoretical conditions for the dramatic play to be an activator in the production of the artistic avant-garde and, endorsed in its mechanisms, is the ability to reinvent social resistance.

The article traces Mario Bonfantini's moral and intellectual anti-fascist formation but also the world of the camp of Fossoli, caught a moment before deportation to Mauthausen, through Bonfantini's literary witnesses, which give back a lively plurality of stories, figures, and political positions.

La riflessione pedagogica è stata da una parte accusata di silenzio e di mancanza di approfondimento rispetto alle responsabilità educative coinvolte nello sviluppo dei fenomeni mafiosi; d'altra parte ci confrontiamo con la diffusa domanda di comprensione di tali realtà e del ruolo della società civile e con un aumento di interesse, da parte delle Istituzioni, verso percorsi educativi. Questa ricerca intende contribuire al dibattito pedagogico sulle possibili progettualità educative per costruire una risposta civile alla problematica delle mafie. Per fare ciò, si accostano diverse griglie interpretative (storiche, sociologiche, giuridiche) e si confrontano percorsi di differenti criminalità organizzate (mafia, camorra, 'ndrangheta a livello nazionale e internazionale in primis, ma anche Yakuza, Cosa nostra americana e Triadi) con l'obiettivo di formarsi un angolo visuale più ampio e nello stesso tempo profondo della problematica mafiosa nella società globalizzata. Da questo confronto emerge l'importanza di comprendere, accanto alla pervasività delle mafie, la permeabilità dei contesti e le convergenze con gli stili esistenziali inautentici del nostro tempo, improntati al consumo, all'utilitarismo, al disimpegno, all'antropocentrismo. Ripercorrendo l'evoluzione delle iniziative che sono state svolte sul piano politico-istituzionale e su quello civile, constatiamo soprattutto a partire dagli anni '80 l'emergere del discorso educativo. Per comprendere i possibili obiettivi educativi, si analizzano infine diversi progetti, narrati attraverso la documentazione, le interviste e i questionari rivolti ai protagonisti, e confrontati con le riflessioni pedagogiche in merito alla cittadinanza e alla legalità. L'ascolto dei familiari delle vittime, le esperienze dei campi della legalità "tra nord e sud", di rigenerazione sociale e cura degli spazi e dei beni pubblici e dell'abitare la città, consentono di aprire l'orizzonte all'utopia di una civiltà dell'empatia, a patto di non sottrarsi all'investimento educativo nello sviluppare la capacità di ascolto della realtà e delle ragioni dell'altro, di coltivare l'arte della resistenza nel segno dell'empatia. ; Pedagogy has been blamed of silence and superficiality on the relationship between mafias and education; however, nowadays we are facing a spreading of interest among civil society and institution around educational projects. This research aims to contribute to the pedagogical debate around possible directions to support the civil society response to the problems of mafias. First of all, it deepens different theoretical framework (sociological, criminological, historical, law) and compares the different evolution of mafias (Cosa nostra, camorra, 'ndrangheta in the italian and international context, but also yakuza, triads, and italo-american mafia). The aim is to keep a wide and deep perspective of the problem of mafias in the globalized era. From this analysis emerges the importance of comprehension not only of the pervasiveness of the phenomenon but also the permeability of the contexts and the convergence with inauthentic lifestyles which are connected with consumption, utilitarianism, anthropocentrism and disengagement. Considering this, the research address to understand the evolution of political-institutional and civil initiatives. The importance of education has increased since the '80s, when the law enforcement agents have started to be murdered. To comprehend possible educational goals, the research analyzes different projects, which are narrated through the documentation, interviews and surveys of actors involved and it confronts them with the pedagogical reflections on citizenship and legality. Listening to the relatives of victims, working on the land confiscated to mafiosi and turned into social land trust or social projects, restoring and taking care of public spaces and goods, trying new way of social living: these practices allow us to open the horizon to the utopy of the civilization of empathy if we engage in the development of the ability to comprehend reality and the reasons of the other and to nurture the art of resistence, in the sign of empathy.

This article defines the main features of the Italian Resistance, and their representation in the conceptual scheme of DDC, and aims to give them a more precise classification as there is an ever-growing literary warrant. It also examines personal accounts relating to the Italian Resistance: diaries, letters, papers and memories. Since the post-war period, these unique and important documents have become the object of historical research and extensive publication. ; Nella presente trattazione sono stati definiti gli aspetti principali della Resistenza italiana, per poi analizzare come essi siano rappresentati all'interno dello schema concettuale della CDD, proponendone una più corretta espressione storica, in ragione di una cospicua e crescente garanzia bibliografica. Viene inoltre esaminata la memorialistica connessa al movimento politico e militare della Resistenza italiana: diari, lettere, carteggi e memorie. Testimonianze uniche e significative che furono oggetto fin dall'immediato dopoguerra di un notevole interesse storico e di una grande diffusione editoriale sino ad oggi.

In 1942, during the Nazi occupation of Norway, teachers were intimidated into joining the Nazi Teachers' League to spread the ideology of the Reich. Eight thousand teachers protested against the threats issued and the authorities responded by imprisoning about a thousand teachers in Kirkenes camp. This led to a collective mobilization: teachers, together with the general population, staged a non-violent protest that forced the government into returning the imprisoned teachers to their classes. This contribution aims to highlight how this particular event constituted a paradigmatic moment in which awareness of the collective responsibility to safeguard free education as a common heritage for human formation emerged clearly among the teachers, society and people of Norway. ; Nel 1942, durante l'occupazione nazista della Norvegia, agli insegnanti venne intimato di unirsi alla Lega degli Insegnanti Nazisti, per diffondere l'ideologia del Reich. Ottomila professori protestarono resistendo alle minacce e le autorità risposero imprigionando diverse migliaia di docenti nel campo di Kirkenes. A quel punto la mobilitazione fu collettiva: gli insegnanti, insieme alla popolazione, misero in atto una protesta non violenta che costrinse il governo ad intervenire restituendo i docenti imprigionati alle loro classi. Il contributo si propone di evidenziare come questo evento particolare abbia costituito un momento paradigmatico in cui è emersa chiaramente negli insegnanti, nella società e nella popolazione norvegese la coscienza della responsabilità collettiva nel custodire un'educazione libera come patrimonio comune per la formazione umana.

The essay reconsiders the role of the socialists in the Resistance in Rome, showing that it was by no means marginal. During the Nazi occupation, in conditions of grave danger, the socialist Bruno Buozzi, secretary of the General Confederation of Labor when Fascism took power, entered into delicate negotiations to reconstitute the union, committing himself so that it was unitary and therefore included communists, socialists and Christian Democrats. In Rome occupied by the Nazis, every form of disobedience acquired the characteristics of an opposition, a real resistance which, among other things, was organized by the military apparatuses of the Socialist and Communist parties. Sabotage and disturbance actions were organized daily to make life impossible for the enemy, who reacted with tremendous reprisals. Immediately after the arrival of the Allies in Rome, the union was reconstituted but the agreement was backdated in homage to Buozzi, murdered by nazis. ; Il saggio riconsidera il ruolo dei socialisti nella Resistenza a Roma, mostrando come non fosse affatto marginale. Durante l'occupazione nazista, in condizioni di grave pericolo, il socialista Bruno Buozzi, segretario della Confederazione Generale del Lavoro quando prese il potere il fascismo, avvi delicate trattative per ricostituire il sindacato, impegnandosi affinché rimanesse unitario e quindi includesse comunisti, socialisti e democristiani. Nella Roma occupata dai nazisti, ogni forma di disobbedienza acquisì i caratteri di un'opposizione, di una vera e propria resistenza che, tra l'altro, era organizzata dagli apparati militari dei partiti socialista e comunista. Giornalmente venivano organizzate azioni di sabotaggio e di disturbo per rendere la vita impossibile al nemico, che reagiva con tremende rappresaglie. Subito dopo l'arrivo degli Alleati a Roma, il sindacato fu ricostituito ma l'accordo fu retrodatato in omaggio a Buozzi, assassinato dai nazisti.

The idea of resistance is one of the most important philophical topics that Deleuze let us to problematize after his death. This idea was developed in particular in the deleuzian intepretation of Foucault. The aim of this paper is to show how this idea emerges in its full political sense moving by an hypothesis wich goes beyond the same Deleuze and Foucault, namely that, reaching today his highest mimetical capability, power takes up the relationship with the « unthought » : the « absolute outside » that today has been almost forgotten by philosophy. Anticipating the forthcoming birth of « control societies », in this sense, Deleuze invites us today to take to the extreme a fundamental foucaultian statement : power has no « outside ».

The concept of revolution is today very abused. Every change in social life and every political action (revolt, coup d'état, resistance, terrorist attack .) is wrongly defined as revolution. But the word "revolution" has a very precise meaning especially in the tradition of constitutionalism. The Author, using the categories of law, explains the fundamentals of the idea of revolution and its historical and constitutional developments.

Eight minutes and forty-six seconds. This is the time in which the murder of George Floyd, in Minnesota, took place on 25 May 2020. A further act of institutionalized violence – granted, legitimized and overlooked by institutions – that made necessary for the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement to start a series of protests to draw attention to the abuse of power of a racist and corrupt system that highlights the breakdown of the social pact between people in a society. Beyond the ethical and political significance of the event, our contribution aims to reflect on the forms of occupation of the physical and virtual spaces through which BLM constitutes itself as a movement and organizes conflict. The analysis will focus on two fundamental aspects of the protest that are closely linked to the sense of space. The first concerns the way BLM fits into the lockdown condition imposed by the pandemic and tactically exploits the different spatial relationship that it imposes on the inhabitants of the planet, globally immobilized as physical bodies and hyper-exposed to the digital world. On the one hand, street demonstrations amplify the sense of resistance and dissent expressed by the mere fact of finding and moving together through public space at a time when everyone is ordered to stay at home. On the other hand, when protests and actions are organized trough digital media, they do not limit to individual complaints or petitions, but involve meetings and discussions on different platforms. Discussions range from political and cultural debate to the organization of the protest, coordinating collective actions such as "If You Can't Be Here, Be Here", implemented by LDNBLM

In the early 1940s, on the fringes of the military Resistance in German-occupied and state-collaborationist France, another form of Resistance began to take shape, a literary Resistance, which proposed itself clandestinely as a unanimous response to and condemnation of the occupiers and their policies. Thanks to literary personalities such as Jean Bruller and Pierre de Lescure, among others, a cultural Resistance was born through the essentially clandestine publication of novels, poetry collections, pamphlets and feuilletons: a smuggled literature whose publication had at times an almost virulent character, as in the case of Le silence de la mer and L'honneur des poètes, and which represented a unanimous response to occupationist censorship, curbing its filters in order to reach the widest possible portion of the public. This contribution therefore aims to analyse, starting from a selection of works published by the publishing house Éditions de Minuit, the relationship that was established between clandestine literature published during the Occupation and its readers: the shared situation, the common goal and the same enemy represented, for authors, publishers and readers alike, a single horizon to which they could turn through the written and read word, which contained the choked cry of rebellion, a shared language that transformed civil despair into a feeling of revolt, reflecting the will not to yield of readers who, identifying with the authors' smuggled words, at the same time drew strength from them, both as individuals and collectively. The readers, who were also clandestine, responded to an editorial call that, with its language, gave rise to many resistance fighters, both military and intellectuals, united by a feeling of Resistance that never waned, also and above all thanks to the immeasurable contribution made by clandestine literature, its authors and their great complicity with the readers who relied on them and, at the same time, supported them.

L'obiettivo di questo lavoro è quello di indagare le origini, lo sviluppo e gli esiti del progetto di fondazione della Scuola di ostetricia per levatrici all'Ospedale Maggiore di Milano promosso dalla casa d'Austria nella seconda metà del XVIII secolo. La ricerca prende necessariamente le mosse dalla contestualizzazione dell'esperienza della Scuola entro il più ampio quadro della riorganizzazione del sistema sanitario dello Stato di Milano nell'età delle riforme, ed è articolata su più livelli. Innanzitutto, la ricostruzione del dibattito politico-istituzionale e dell'interazione fra autorità viennesi e milanesi che accompagnarono l'apertura della Scuola; in secondo luogo, l'esame delle modalità attraverso cui i progetti governativi trovarono attuazione; infine, l'analisi degli esiti controversi suscitati dalla riforma, che attivò aspri conflitti non solo fra Milano e Vienna, ma anche fra autorità locali e comunità rurali. L'intento è stato quello di ricostruire quel lungo percorso che anche nello Stato di Milano sancì la progressiva professionalizzazione di quella figura assistenziale che, secondo consuetudine, aveva il compito di prendersi cura delle partorienti e dei nascituri: la levatrice.

This paper will investigate the Agambenean instrument of the paradigm, starting from thecriticisms Agamben received for his paradigmatic use of the concentration camp of Auschwitz. I will clarify the analytic and logical structure of the paradigm, and then I will explain its potentiality in an ontological criticism of the sovereign and biopolitical nature of Occidental thought and politics, and of the exceptional structure of the Occidental metaphysics.

Incrociando le indicazioni teoriche e metodologiche provenienti dalla microstoria italiana con la nozione di strategie e tattiche concettualizzata da Michel de Certeau, il nucleo della tesi è dedicato alla vita in un quartiere popolare bolognese nel corso del regime fascista. Dopo una prima parte relativa alla storia urbana del quartiere Bolognina dalla sua ideazione sulla carta (1885) al primo dopoguerra, concentrata sulle strategie (formali o informali) che hanno ordinato lo spazio e il tempo delle classi subalterne lì abitanti, le restanti due parti sono interamente dedicate al ventennio fascista. Mettendo in luce i tentativi di seduzione ideologica e di ridefinizione del quartiere nel senso del decoro borghese, attuati dalle articolazioni locali del Partito Fascista, la tesi si occuperà in seguito di analizzare la presenza costante della violenza squadrista, le pratiche repressive delle forze dell'ordine, il ruolo di spie e delatori occasionali, le tattiche di resistenza informale ed individuale attuate dalla popolazione e, infine, l'organizzazione di base delle reti comuniste all'interno del rione, focalizzando particolarmente l'attenzione sul reclutamento dei giovani e il ruolo dei libri. Individuando i modi in cui si sono formati gli atteggiamenti nei confronti del fascismo, tramite un'indagine microstorica, la tesi vuole contribuire al dibattito circa l'effettiva utilità della categoria di consenso; analizzando, nell'ultima parte, le pratiche inerenti al reclutamento dei giovani da parte del Partito Comunista nel corso del regime fascista, vuole altresì gettare luce sui modi in cui le classi subalterne si sono avvicinate alla politica e ne hanno appreso le basi. ; Mixing the methodological suggestions from the Italian Microhistory with the concepts of strategies and tactics conceived by Michel de Certeau, the thesis focuses on everyday life in a working-class neighbourhood of Bologna during the Fascist regime. After a first part concerning the urban history of the Bolognina neighbourhood from its first appearance in the local Urban Plan (1885) to the end of WWI, in which I will analyse in particular the strategies (formal or informal) that organized the space and the time of inhabitants, the thesis focuses on the Fascist ventennio. I will examine the attempts, made by the local Fascist organizations, to ideologically seduce the inhabitants and to redefine the neighbourhood's structure aiming to spread the value of respectability in it; I will later analyse the constant presence of Fascist violence, the repressive practices and the different actors involved in the Fascist political police, the role played by professional spies and occasional informants, the tactics of apolitical and individual resistance adopted by the inhabitants and, in the end, the communist networks arisen in the neighbourhood, focusing my attention on the enrollment of young people and the key-role of books. The thesis enter in the debate about the methodological usefulness of the category of consensus or consent, microhistorically investigating the ways in which the attitudes towards the Fascist regime have developed; furthermore, the thesis also analyse the ways in which working-class youngsters became interested in communism, during the Fascist era, and how they learned its fundamentals.

This essay focuses on the analysis of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict from a sociological perspective using the theoretical approach of the non violencebeginning with Gandhi and Sharp.Moreforward it will be analyzing three types of nonviolent struggle:starting from the popular struggle coordination committees with regardto their specific organization, of individuals and international movementsthat support them; then Boycott Divestment Sanctions (BDS) thatwas adopted primarily in South Africa, and finally it will be explainingthe protest of the political prisoners that have adopted, in the last years,a hunger strike as a control strategy.In conclusion it will be analyze the limits of this alternative strategyof alternative to violence with its strengths, and to able to change the dichotomyresistance‐terrorism, taken as a new method or as a discoveryof a revolutionary resistance.

The starting point of this article is a lecture (Émigration frioulane et Résistance) given by the author in Paris – March 2014 – on behalf of two associations of French people of Italian origin whose ancestors had come to France between the Great Wars from that part of Italy which at present runs alongside Slovenia and Croatia and is included in the Friuli Venezia Giulia Region. The text, duly elaborated and accompanied by foot-notes, focuses on the case of sixty-four individuals who shared that regional origin and all of whom got involved in the French Resistance. Within the limits of the existing literature, and the available evidence, the article brings to light their different destinies taking into account several factors: age, place of origin, residence in France, job, political or military experience (in the Spanish Civil War, for instance), family and village networks as well as their political allegiance, most of which was communist even if the ties with either the French or the Italian Communist Party greatly varied