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自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...

Zhou, Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-168). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.2 ; Table of Contents --- p.6 ; Introduction --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Return to the Parole --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Language Dilemma and Appeal of Asian American Literature --- p.23 ; "Language: Community, Nation and Power" --- p.24 ; Claiming a Right to Standard English --- p.29 ; Claiming a Right to Multiple Tongues --- p.32 ; Problems with Previously Mentioned Ways of Resistance --- p.36 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Kingston´ةs Language Choice and Writing Strategies --- p.40 ; Poetic Language: From Kristeva to Kingston --- p.41 ; Heterogeneity: Kingston as a Bilingual Writer --- p.44 ; Diversity: A New Fusion Language --- p.51 ; Dialogism: From Words to Culture --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Return to the Body --- p.73 ; Chapter 2.1 --- From Parole to the Body --- p.76 ; "Langue, Parole, Subject" --- p.77 ; Deconstruction of the Subject: The Maternal Body --- p.79 ; "Chora´ح-- A Bodily Metaphor for Resistance to Langue --- p.81 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Body-Based Writing --- p.83 ; Let the Body Speak --- p.84 ; "Female Writers, Body Consciousness" --- p.87 ; Kingston´ةs Bodily and Life Experience --- p.90 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Gaze on the Body´ؤKingston's Body Writing on Male --- p.93 ; Objectification: Seeing and Being Seen --- p.94 ; Objectified Body-From Body to Flesh --- p.96 ; Objectification as Alienation --- p.99 ; Body´ةs Spontaneous Resistance: Pain --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Return to the Minor --- p.111 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Speech Act: Another View on Resistance to Langue --- p.113 ; Austin: Speech Is Itself a Form of Action --- p.113 ; "Derrida: "Iterability""" --- p.116 ; Judith Butler: A Politics of the Performative --- p.119 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Revolt of Minor Tongue: On Language Appropriation --- p.122 ; "Performing a "Twin Skin""" --- p.123 ; The Stereotypical Linguistic Reality --- p.127 ; "Insurrectionary ...

二零一零年一月,全球最大的互联网搜索引擎谷歌在其官网上宣布了他们由于不满中国政府长期以来的网络审查制度而有意退出中国市场的决定。西方主流媒体及评论家对于中国的网络审查制度惯常以负面评价为主。中国民众对此又持怎样的态度呢?这个研究将焦点放在了中国的海归派身上。由于长年游走在中国大陆及海外之间,他们常常可以体验及比较不同地区的网络世界,故此对网络审查比一般的中国大陆民众有更深的体会及更详尽的洞悉。本研究旨在探索这群曾在或仍在中国境外居住的中国人是如何理解中国的互联网审查制度的。 ; 在此研究的受访对象中,有些人将网络审查视为一个来自政府的负面干涉,并认为它代表了一个不诚实的政府。而另一些人则认为由于中国社会及中国文化的特殊性,网络审查制度有其存在的道理。虽然受访对象的看法多样,但他们在谈论这个话题的时候都表现出了一种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节 ---他们会竭力为一个另自己蒙羞的政府辩护。通过深入分析了这种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节:它是如何产生的,又意味着什么,它与网络审查制度又有何相关,笔者力图强调,本研究受访对象的国家认同感在这个辩护过程中得到了加强。此分析有助于更好的了解中国的网络审查制度,以及它的合理性是如何被塑造出来的。 ; In January, 2010, the biggest internet search engine, Google, announced its potential exodus from the Chinese market due to China's practice of censorship. Many foreign commentators have criticized China's practice of censorship. But what are the views of Chinese citizens? This research focuses on a special group of Chinese netizens called "returnees" [overseas Chinese who are living in between China and elsewhere], who have experienced both the domestic and overseas cyber-worlds. Through studying their perspectives on censorship, this research seeks to understand how those who have lived outside China understand internet censorship within China. ; Some informants view internet censorship as a negative intrusion and a representation of an untruthful government while others consider it as a necessity in managing China's cyberspace due to the special cultural context of Chinese society. Though their perceptions vary, my informants expressed a paradoxical nationalism, defending a government they felt ashamed of; this was expressed repeatedly during interviews. In this thesis, by bringing censorship and nationalism together, I analyze in depth my informants' paradoxical and conflicting attitude toward these two concepts, in order to better understand Chinese censorship and how it may be justified. I argue that by defending censorship, my informants' Chinese identities have been reinforced. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Chang, Xinyue. ; Thesis ...

本研究針對三個重要層面(論述、鬥爭和情感的過程)進行探索,討論社會運動中反對勢力框架的建構和發展。本文將先探討社會運動如何在論述層面上建構框架,令運動框架取得認受性並挑戰主流霸權論述;是次研究亦會討論互聯網時代如何影響框架爭奪戰的進行;最後,本文將分析框架美學化的現象如何影響社會運動的動員。本研究以香港的菜園村抗爭運動作為案例,並採用文本分析、訪問及參與式觀察等研究方法。 ; 本文旨在擴充框架分析的討論層面:除探討其認知層面外,本文更試圖討論框架建構中被忽略的面向:情感性層面。此外,本文亦會分析框架爭奪戰的場境如何在互聯網時代被擴大。 ; 在認知層面上,本文發現在論述性的框架建構過程中,若框架的理念能充分回應社會、政治及文化上的斷裂,框架動員力便會提高。此外,在運動過程中,策略性的框架轉化亦有助號召不同界別的群體參與。 ; 在鬥爭層面上,本文指出在互聯網時代,社會運動與政府、主流傳媒進行框架爭奪戰的場境已被伸延及擴大。而互聯網所造就的分散式競爭能量及沉積性網絡結構則對運動於框架爭奪戰過程中有利。 ; 最後,在情感層面上,本文認為近年社會運動中採用的美學化運動手段,有助運動在情感和道德價值上動員群聚,因美學化的框架不單有助社會運動鞏固其內部聯繫,對民眾整體都有吸引力。 ; This study investigates the construction and development of opposition frames in a social movement by exploring three important dimensions: the discursive, contested, and affective processes. This study first elucidates how counter-frames can be discursively constructed to gain legitimacy in challenging the dominant hegemonic belief. Second, the study reviews how the framing processes have been influenced by the Internet in the digital era. Finally, it investigates how the aestheticization of frames relates to the affective mobilization of a movement. These questions were addressed through the case of the Tsoi Yuen resistance movement, a two-year struggle in Hong Kong. To this end, textual analysis, interviews, and participant observations are employed. ; This study seeks to elaborate upon the framing perspective by discussing not only the cognitive meaning alignment processes, but also expanding the theoretical discussion in the affective dimension of framing, which is an under-explored area. In addition, it contributes to the investigation of the expanded frame contestations in the Internet era. ; On the cognitive level, this thesis argues that the discursive framing strategies have worked best when meanings are activated by exploiting the social, political, and cultural cleavages in post-colonial Hong Kong. In addition, the transformation of framing strategies can facilitate mobilizations across a variety of groups of targets when different cleavages are echoed. ; For the ...

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

by Kwan Shui-man. ; "March 1999." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-283). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

The objective of this paper was to analyze the sociocultural and personal reasons pivotal to the openness of the conflicting parties to a dialogue in the framework of family mediation. In the quest to answer the question what factors can influence the development of the family mediation in Poland and its acceptance both by the society and the families in conflict, the author presented the results of international and Polish research on the efficacy of the family mediation process and the readiness of the parties to use the mediation in family conflicts. Two theoretical concepts characterizing the sociocultural origins of resistance to mediation were analyzed in detail, namely that of the social resistance proposed by B. Mayer and that of the moral resistance by R. Benjamin. Moreover, the paper addressed the issue of the promotion of mediation together with the unrealistic expectations as to what can be achieved through mediation, mythologization of mediation and dilemma connected with the neutrality of the mediator. Finally, an integrated systemic approach to family mediation was proposed, which could enhance the chances of acceptance of the mediation by the parties in conflict. In essence it is proposed that the promotion of mediation should be exercised on three levels: (1) general societal level (to promote the winwin solutions in family conflicts), (2) level of specific educational activities for the conflicted parties (e.g. organization of premediation consultative meetings), and (3) level of specific actions targeted at various professional groups (e.g. judges, lawyers, probation officer, employees of the family support centres, etc).

The paper analyzes the benefits of using family mediation as an alternative method of family conflict resolution and problems encountered when introducing it into the social life in modern societies. The analysis shows that the development of family mediation in Poland resembles that of other European states. In Poland, as in other European countries, family mediation was first "discovered" by the professionals dealing with family conflicts, then it was given a proper legal status and became included in the civil codes. The next phase was a protracted process of accepting the method of mediation by lawyers, conflicted parties, and other professionals who would be in the position to support the growth of family mediation. While analyzing the benefits of family mediation, a state of art type of study was done on the effectiveness of the mediation process and the clients' satisfaction indicating the short and long term advantages of family mediation. The paper proves no linear relationship between the effectiveness of the mediation procedures and the acceptance of this method in the court practice and in the society. Why people do not choose mediation despite its logical advantages over the adversarial court process? Trying to answer this question an analysis of potential sources of resistance to mediation is presented together with the relevant concepts of the moral resistance and the public resistance. These two concepts help us understand why do parties in conflict prefer adversarial court proceedings with the "winner" and "looser" over peaceful resolutions offered by mediation, enabling agreement and "keeping the face".

Patients' resistance may occur at any stage of psychotherapy or mediation process. The focus of this paper is on the resistance to use psychotherapy or family mediation. We also explore psychological grounds for the difficulties behind the decision to seek professional psychological help. The resistance in psychotherapy is one of the fundamental problems, hence a lot of research studies and practical techniques can be found regarding the determinants of resistance and strategies how to cope with it. However, in the family mediation literature the conceptualisation of resistance to enter the mediation process has rarely been investigated. In the present paper five main factors of the avoidance of counselling or psychotherapy are analysed, namely: (i) social stigma, (ii) treatment fears, (iii) fear of emotion, (iv) anticipated utility and risk, and (v) problems with self-disclosure. As far as the decision to enter family mediation is concerned the main sources of clients' resistance can be traced to negative convictions, attitudes and fears of the mediation process. The results of the author's own research on this subject show that the main components of resistance are: (1) disbelief in effectiveness of mediation, (2) attribution of negative characteristics to mediation, (3) reluctance to involvement of third party, and (4) fear of disclosure of secrets. In the final part of the paper a discussion of similarities between the factors determining the resistance to participate in psychotherapy and family mediation is presented.