The objective of this paper was to analyze the sociocultural and personal reasons pivotal to the openness of the conflicting parties to a dialogue in the framework of family mediation. In the quest to answer the question what factors can influence the development of the family mediation in Poland and its acceptance both by the society and the families in conflict, the author presented the results of international and Polish research on the efficacy of the family mediation process and the readiness of the parties to use the mediation in family conflicts. Two theoretical concepts characterizing the sociocultural origins of resistance to mediation were analyzed in detail, namely that of the social resistance proposed by B. Mayer and that of the moral resistance by R. Benjamin. Moreover, the paper addressed the issue of the promotion of mediation together with the unrealistic expectations as to what can be achieved through mediation, mythologization of mediation and dilemma connected with the neutrality of the mediator. Finally, an integrated systemic approach to family mediation was proposed, which could enhance the chances of acceptance of the mediation by the parties in conflict. In essence it is proposed that the promotion of mediation should be exercised on three levels: (1) general societal level (to promote the winwin solutions in family conflicts), (2) level of specific educational activities for the conflicted parties (e.g. organization of premediation consultative meetings), and (3) level of specific actions targeted at various professional groups (e.g. judges, lawyers, probation officer, employees of the family support centres, etc).
The paper analyzes the benefits of using family mediation as an alternative method of family conflict resolution and problems encountered when introducing it into the social life in modern societies. The analysis shows that the development of family mediation in Poland resembles that of other European states. In Poland, as in other European countries, family mediation was first "discovered" by the professionals dealing with family conflicts, then it was given a proper legal status and became included in the civil codes. The next phase was a protracted process of accepting the method of mediation by lawyers, conflicted parties, and other professionals who would be in the position to support the growth of family mediation. While analyzing the benefits of family mediation, a state of art type of study was done on the effectiveness of the mediation process and the clients' satisfaction indicating the short and long term advantages of family mediation. The paper proves no linear relationship between the effectiveness of the mediation procedures and the acceptance of this method in the court practice and in the society. Why people do not choose mediation despite its logical advantages over the adversarial court process? Trying to answer this question an analysis of potential sources of resistance to mediation is presented together with the relevant concepts of the moral resistance and the public resistance. These two concepts help us understand why do parties in conflict prefer adversarial court proceedings with the "winner" and "looser" over peaceful resolutions offered by mediation, enabling agreement and "keeping the face".
Patients' resistance may occur at any stage of psychotherapy or mediation process. The focus of this paper is on the resistance to use psychotherapy or family mediation. We also explore psychological grounds for the difficulties behind the decision to seek professional psychological help. The resistance in psychotherapy is one of the fundamental problems, hence a lot of research studies and practical techniques can be found regarding the determinants of resistance and strategies how to cope with it. However, in the family mediation literature the conceptualisation of resistance to enter the mediation process has rarely been investigated. In the present paper five main factors of the avoidance of counselling or psychotherapy are analysed, namely: (i) social stigma, (ii) treatment fears, (iii) fear of emotion, (iv) anticipated utility and risk, and (v) problems with self-disclosure. As far as the decision to enter family mediation is concerned the main sources of clients' resistance can be traced to negative convictions, attitudes and fears of the mediation process. The results of the author's own research on this subject show that the main components of resistance are: (1) disbelief in effectiveness of mediation, (2) attribution of negative characteristics to mediation, (3) reluctance to involvement of third party, and (4) fear of disclosure of secrets. In the final part of the paper a discussion of similarities between the factors determining the resistance to participate in psychotherapy and family mediation is presented.
The problem of adaptation to the EU countries in the Vishegrad conditions of economic stagnation of the old EU countries and citizens of the resistance groups in attempts to solve adaptive problems through internal resources are analyzed. The attention is paid to Ukraine's cooperation with the Vishegrad Group countries, including at the level of bilateral relations, and the prospect that opens the intensification of cooperation. ; The problem of adaptation to the EU countries in the Vishegrad conditions of economic stagnation of the old EU countries and citizens of the resistance groups in attempts to solve adaptive problems through internal resources are analyzed. The attention is paid to Ukraine's cooperation with the Vishegrad Group countries, including at the level of bilateral relations, and the prospect that opens the intensification of cooperation.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Pojęcie obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa wiąże się tradycyjnie z postacią Henry`ego Davida Thorea, którego słynny esej z 1848 roku pt. Resitance to Civil Government, stał się inspiracją dla rozwoju współczesnej refleksji nad obywatelskim nieposłuszeństwem, a także źródłem nieustannych poszukiwań jego istoty. Rozważania nad nieposłuszeństwem obywatelskim prowadzili też Hannah Arendt, a także John Rawls, Joseph Ratz oraz Ronald Dworkin. Stworzone przez tych autorów definicje obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa zawierają pewien katalog cech składających się na to pojęcie. Najważniejszymi spośród nich są zakaz stosowania przemocy oraz gotowość poddania się karze. Na gruncie polskim problematyka ta omawiana była przez Andrzeja Rzeplińskiego, Ewę Łętowską, a ostatnio przez Artura Szutę i Michała Rocha Kaczmarczyka. W historii Polski symbolem obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa jest Tadeusz Rejtan. Ostatnio działania wykazujące cechy obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa podejmują Obywatele RP. Obywatelskie nieposłuszeństwo może być mylone z takimi pojęciami jak prawo do oporu, sprzeciw sumienia lub nieposłuszeństwo rewolucyjne. Niezależnie od wielu kontrowersji związanych z samym pojęciem, nie ma wątpliwości, że instytucja ta ma do spełnienia szereg bardzo pozytywnych ról. Pozwala na zainicjowanie niezależnej, niekontrolowanej przez władzę dyskusji. Zapewnia partycypację polityczną oraz stwarza warunki sprzyjające możliwości oddziaływania na władzę. Odgrywa też niebagatelną funkcję informacyjną. Ale przede wszystkim przyczynia się do rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. ; Over the past few decades, civil disobedience has become one of the most widely studied subjects in jurisprudence. The name which is widely recognized and associated with the term is that of Henry David Thorea for it was his essay, published in 1849 under the title "Resistance to Civil Government" and later renamed "Essay on Civil Disobedience" that first brought this idea to the public attention. After his landmark lectures were published in 1866, the term began to appear in numerous sermons and lectures relating to civil or social oppression in its many forms. In 1866, four years after his death, the term had achieved fairly widespread usage. Among Thorea's numerous followers were Hannah Arendt, John Rawls, Joseph Ratz and Ronald Dworkin who all, in their own way and method, contributed to the catalog of features associated with the term as we know it today: the active, professed refusal to obey certain laws, demands or commands of a government, or of an occupying international power. Civil disobedience is relatively often defined as essentially and profoundly nonviolent. Actions or undertakings which strive to be labelled as such will, therefore, have to be equated with nonviolent resistance and prepared to suffer the penalties set out in the law. In Poland civil disobedience has been discussed in the works of Andrzej Rzepliński, Ewa Łętowska and, most recently, by Artur Szuta and Michał Roch Kaczmarczyk. The most symbolic depiction of the issue held dear in the sentiments of Polish patriots will be the 18th century Polish parliamentarian Tadeusz Rejtan. Today, Polish civil disobedients have chosen a variety of different methods to manifest their discontent. Civil disobedience is often mistaken for the right of resistance, conscientious objection, revolutionary disobedience. But, regardless the confusion those terms might cause, their social standing and significance remain undisputed. It gives rise to independent and spontaneous public debate, free of authoritarian intrusion or imposition. It acts as a free and independent public platform. And, last but not least, it helps to build civil society in its own right.
Events of August'91 as an expression of political disobidience in the process of shaping civil conduct, "Kultura i edukacja. Culture and Education" 2016, nr 4 (114), pp. 125-139 , 2016 Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August '91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost-transparency of sociopolitical life-the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through pas sive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of sociopolitical socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.
The contemporaneity has been redefined, the transition has happened. Symptoms of its end were as follows: redefinition of the concept of democracy, crisis of the classic notion of value and the failure of U.S. unilateralism. Objective determinants of the new order – arising from the crisis of sovereignty – are grounded in the separation of legitimacy and effectiveness. The constituent power is redefined as immanent tool for ordering actions. On the one hand, the biopolitical structure of reality nowadays enters the conflict with the old concept of law, on the other, it dislocates the relation between technical and political composition of the labor force. A loss of a control over a new, socialized form of living labor by the power becomes paradigmatic for the contemporaneity. Worker doesn't contact with profit but rent, he stands in the front of "collective capitalist", who is now a forger of the social work. In this situation, a constituent resistance is realized in a practice of exodus. The resistance becomes also a process of reclaiming the common. The common, which is opposed to the private, as well as to the public, becomes a dispositive of radical and democratic form of governance. ; Współczesność została zredefiniowana, przejście się dokonało. Symptomami jego końca były: przewartościowanie pojęcia demokracji, kryzys klasycznego pojęcia wartości i klęska unilateralizmu USA. Obiektywne determinanty nowego porządku tkwią w wynikającym z kryzysu suwerenności rozdzieleniu legitymizacji i skuteczności. Władza konstytuująca zostaje zredefiniowana jako immanentna dla działań porządkujących. Biopolityczna struktura rzeczywistości z jednej strony wchodzi dzisiaj w konflikt ze starym pojęciem prawa, a z drugiej zaburza relację między technicznym a politycznym składem siły roboczej. Paradygmatyczną dla współczesności staje się utrata kontroli przez władzę nad nową, uspołecznioną postacią żywej pracy. Pracownik stykając się już nie z zyskiem, a rentą, staje przed "kolektywnym kapitalistą" jako fałszerzem pracy społecznej.W tej sytuacji konstytuujący opór realizuje się w praktyce exodusu, który staje się także procesem odzyskiwania dobra wspólnego. Dobro wspólne przeciwstawiając się "temu, co własne", będącemu podstawą zarówno tego, co prywatne jak i tego, co publiczne, staje się urządzeniem radykalnego demokratycznego zarządzania.
In the group of Central Asian countries, the Republic of Kazakhstan appears to be scientifically best communicated with Europe. Thus it has raised an increasingly strong interest – also on the part of comparative law researchers. The subject matter of this article is an attempt to reform territorial administration and to establish territorial self-government in Kazakhstan. The reforms have not been implemented without any resistance or mistakes, it is important, however, that the need to change and modernize local government structures is discerned. The debate over the constitutional reform of the local political system favours the construction of social awareness of the fact that a clear distinction between the territorial government administration and territorial self-government as well as the latter's independence, determines the construction of civil society and democratization of social life. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.
*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.
Political but Non-party In recent years, involvement has become almost the main topic of literary life; this is due largely to the fact that, firstly, there has emerged a group of authors who manifest not only their political views, but also their obligations; secondly due to the fact that some critics appeal for a "political turnaround" in literature and thirdly, due to the popularization of the thought of several world philosophers, with Jacques Rancier at the helm, who try to extract the political out of the aesthetic, and fourthly, as a consequence of the reactivation of old languages – Marxist one on the left side and conservative-identity one on the right. The resistance which these tendencies have aroused in some milieus is associated with the conviction that the discovery of the political possibilities of literature and its interpretation leads (or will lead) to its literariness, utilitarization, subordination to the languages that dominate on the public scene. The author of the article shares the above fears; he is of the opinion that literature should rather be an instrument for undermining instruments, pragmatism and sociologism by means of a language that does not belong to the territory of defined discourse; whereas the most interesting aspect of its political nature consists in its ability to resist politics.
The "Revolution of Dignity" has led to the pre-term presidential and parliamentary elections. The article analyzes parliamentary election process and coalition policy of parliamentarian groups. As a result of the campaign, a bipolar model of competition has been shaped (Maidan – Anti-Maidan), while each of them has radical and moderate divisions. Analysis of election programs has shown that in most cases there are national security issues in the first place, including resistance to Russian aggression and conflict resolution. The most important demands included the issue of decentralization, fight against corruption, tax and justice reforms. As a result of the elections, a broad coalition "European Ukraine" has been set with the participation of five political parties related to Maidan. ; Rewolucja Godności doprowadziła do przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano proces elekcji parlamentarnej oraz polityki koalicyjnej ugrupowań parlamentarnych. W wyniku kampanii ukształtował się dwubiegunowy model rywalizacji (Majdan – anty-Majdan), natomiast w obydwu nurtach zarysował się wyraźny podział na ugrupowania radykalne i umiarkowane. Analiza programów wyborczych wykazała, że w większości wypadków na pierwszym miejscu znalazły się kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa, w tym przeciwstawienie się rosyjskiej agresji i rozwiązanie konfliktu. Do najważniejszych postulatów należały także kwestie decentralizacji, walki z korupcją, reformy systemu podatkowego i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wyniku wyborów powstała szeroka koalicja "Europejska Ukraina" z udziałem pięciu partii politycznych związanych z Majdanem.
There is no doubt that the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan is the most difficult operation in the history of NATO. 10‑years long international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan encounter strong Taliban resistance. Since years, NATO attempts to break this movement do not give the expected results. It is nowadays very, important as the outcome of the ISAF operation will have long‑term impact on the international security. To begin with, the result of this mission will affect the future shape and activity of the Atlantic Alliance. ISAF failure may result in reduction of NATO's role as a pillar of transatlanic security. Secondly, is fiasco may also have grave consequences for the political stability in Central Asia. Such countries as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan or Kyrgyzstan since years fight with the phantom of Islamic fundamentalism. If Afghanistan will be taken over by Taliban, these efforts may be doomed to failure. What is even more important, success of the NATO's mission is strongly connected with the internal situation of Pakistan. In the worst‑case scenario, the Pakistan government might be taken over by extremists, Finally, Afghanistan nowadays became a place of increased rivalry between several regional powers: India, Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia. This may cause several challenges for the international security in future. Therefore, the results of the NATO's International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan will strongly affect the international security.
In the article authors draws our attention to the gaps in understanding the complexities of modern warfare and extensive use of irregular forces. Russia is using new forms of war and resistance: open and secret terror, diversions and operations of underground groups, which include citizens from this region, soldiers and mercenaries from different countries. The main problem in the regulation of any hybrid warfare by international humanitarian law is that it focuses solely on the physical dimension of the conflict and its role is getting smaller – replaced by economic and informational war successfully used by Russia. Non-military activities used within the framework of hybrid conflicts are mainly aimed at the impact on the civilian population and the international community. Their task is to weaken the will of resistance, increase the level of discouragement and social discontent, which in turn will lead to the end of the conflict in accordance with the interests of the aggressor. We are witnessing such methods are being used against Ukraine as attrition warfare as well as the destruction of the psychological balance of the whole society. Not military methods, which are used by Russia against Ukraine are: political, social, humanitarian, economic and energy instruments; high activity of special services; new information technologies, including information attacks, offensive actions in cyberspace; multidirectional diplomacy.Key words: hybrid warfare; military actions; non-military methods of warfare; asymmetric threats. ; W artykule autorzy zwracają uwagę na braki w zrozumieniu złożoności współczesnej wojny oraz szerokie wykorzystanie nieregularnych sił zbrojnych. Rosja wykorzystuje nowe formy przeprowadzenia wojny i oporu: otwarty i tajny terror, dywersje i działania grup konspiracyjnych, do których wchodzą obywatele regionu, żołnierze i najemnicy z różnych państw. Głównym problemem w regulacji wojen hybrydowych międzynarodowym prawem humanitarnym jest to, że koncentruje się ono wyłącznie na fizycznym wymiarze konfliktu a jego rola jest coraz mniejsza – zastępują ją wojna gospodarcza i informacyjna, które Rosja z powodzeniem wykorzystuje. Działania niemilitarne wykorzystywane w ramach konfliktów hybrydowych mają na celu głównie oddziaływanie na ludność cywilną oraz społeczność międzynarodową. Ich zadaniem jest osłabianie woli oporu, zwiększanie poziomu zniechęcenia oraz niezadowolenia społecznego, co w rezultacie ma doprowadzić do zakończenia konfliktu zgodnie z interesem agresora. Jesteśmy świadkami tego, że w stosunku do Ukrainy stosuje się metody wojny na wyczerpanie, zniszczenie równowagi psychologicznej całego społeczeństwa. Metodami niemilitarnymi, które wykorzystuje Rosja w stosunku do Ukrainy są: szerokie zastosowanie politycznych, społecznych, humanitarnych, ekonomicznych, energetycznych instrumentów; duża aktywność służb specjalnych; nowe informacyjne technologie, w tym ataki informacyjne, działania ofensywne w cyberprzestrzeni; wielokierunkowe działania dyplomatyczne.Słowa kluczowe: wojna hybrydowa; działania militarne; pozamilitarnych metody prowadzenia wojny; zagrożenia asymetryczne. ; Автори звертають увагу на прогалини в розумінні складнощів сучасної війни із широким використанням нерегулярних сил. Росія використовує нові форми війни і опору: відкритий і секретний терор, диверсії та операції підпільних груп, сформованих з громадян цього регіону та солдатів і найманців з різних країн. Основною проблемою в регулюванні гібридної війни міжнародним гуманітарним правом є те, що ця війна зосереджена виключно на фізичному вимірі конфлікту, отож його роль стає все меншою. Натомість її замінено економічною та інформаційною війнами, що успішно використовує Росія. Використання невійськових методів у рамках гібридних конфліктів здебільшого спрямоване на цивільне населення і міжнародне співтовариство. Їхнє завдання полягає в тому, щоб послабити волю опору, підвищити рівень розчарування та соціального невдоволення, яке, своєю чергою, спровокує завершення конфлікту відповідно до інтересів агресора. Ми бачимо, що проти України використовують методи війни на виснаження, руйнування психологічної рівноваги всього суспільства. Hевійськові методи, які використовує Росія проти України, – це політичні, соціальні, гуманітарні, економічні та енергетичні інструменти; висока активність спецслужб; нові інформаційні технології, в тому числі інформаційні атаки, наступальні дії в кіберпросторі; різностороння дипломатія.Ключові слова: гібридна війна; військові дії; невійськові методи ведення війни; асиметричні загрози.
Liquidation of neutral zone, existing from 1920, was the last stage of forming the Polish-Lithuanian border after World War I. Process of its liquidation began after incorporation of Vilnius into Poland in April 1922, when in Warsaw the question of the existing neutral zone become urgent. By contrast, completely different was the position of Lithuanian side. The incorporation of Vilnius to Poland was not recognized, and it was feared that the settlement of border can determine the belonging of this region to Republic of Poland. The seizure of Klaipeda by the Lithuanian on January 15, 1923, inspired Polish diplomacy to intensify efforts to eliminate the neutral zone. On the 22nd January the Polish Foreign Ministry has sent a note to the Powers demanding liquidation of neutral zone, accompanied by the project of division. On the 3rd of February this project was presented at the meeting of the League of Nations. Lithuanian delegates argued that it is not acceptable for Lithuania, because there is a danger of leaving Vilnius at the Polish side, however, it has had no effect and the Council of the League of Nations issued a resolution of the distribution of the neutral zone. It was assigned that the zone will be seized on February 15, 1923. The Poles were afraid of sneak attacks and the resistance of the Lithuanians. The Polish side very carefully prepared to accomplish this task. Before the action began, the Polish side had warned the Lithuanians. According to the Lithuanians, Poles, first began to attack the Lithuanian posts. After February 18 ceasefire, negotiations began to settle the dividing line. At the end of February, France presented the proposal of final settlement of the matter at the meeting of the Conference of Ambassadors. The decision was made 15 March 1923, confirming the territorial decision taken on the 3rd of February 1923. This was equal with admission of Vilnius region to Poland. ; Liquidation of neutral zone, existing from 1920, was the last stage of forming the Polish-Lithuanian border after World War I. Process of its liquidation began after incorporation of Vilnius into Poland in April 1922, when in Warsaw the question of the existing neutral zone become urgent. By contrast, completely different was the position of Lithuanian side. The incorporation of Vilnius to Poland was not recognized, and it was feared that the settlement of border can determine the belonging of this region to Republic of Poland. The seizure of Klaipeda by the Lithuanian on January 15, 1923, inspired Polish diplomacy to intensify efforts to eliminate the neutral zone. On the 22nd January the Polish Foreign Ministry has sent a note to the Powers demanding liquidation of neutral zone, accompanied by the project of division. On the 3rd of February this project was presented at the meeting of the League of Nations. Lithuanian delegates argued that it is not acceptable for Lithuania, because there is a danger of leaving Vilnius at the Polish side, however, it has had no effect and the Council of the League of Nations issued a resolution of the distribution of the neutral zone. It was assigned that the zone will be seized on February 15, 1923. The Poles were afraid of sneak attacks and the resistance of the Lithuanians. The Polish side very carefully prepared to accomplish this task. Before the action began, the Polish side had warned the Lithuanians. According to the Lithuanians, Poles, first began to attack the Lithuanian posts. After February 18 ceasefire, negotiations began to settle the dividing line. At the end of February, France presented the proposal of final settlement of the matter at the meeting of the Conference of Ambassadors. The decision was made 15 March 1923, confirming the territorial decision taken on the 3rd of February 1923. This was equal with admission of Vilnius region to Poland.
