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Reproduces the mission statements of the US-based organizations Critical Resistance & its offshoot, Women of Color against Violence, both movements formed 1998-2000 to combat violence against women & people of color. It is argued that women of color suffer disproportionately from both state & interpersonal violence, but have been marginalized from more mainstream antiviolence movements organized by feminists or minority males. Problems with the focus of such movements on the criminal justice system & law enforcement are identified. The negative impacts of the increased criminalization of women of color, including sex workers, lesbians, & the poor & disabled, are addressed, & a call is made for greater activist efforts to improve police accountability & decrease the use of imprisonment for such disadvantaged women. Specific strategies that social justice movements must take to end violence against women & children are suggested. Signatories to these statements, including both individuals & organizations, are listed. 29 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

THE "LEADERLESS RESISTANCE" CONCEPT HAS LONG BEEN A SUBJECT OF INTERNAL DEBATE WITHIN THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT. IT EMERGED ORIGINALLY AS A PRESCRIPTION FOR IRREGULAR WARFARE AGAINST INVADING "COMMUNIST" TROOPS IN THE EARLY 1960'S. IN THE 1970'S AND EARLY 1980'S, IT WAS EMPLOYED BY A FEW OF THE MOST COMMITTED MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT AGAINST THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. THE TERM BECAME WIDELY KNOWN WITH THE PUBLICATION OF LOUIS BEAM'S "LEADERLESS RESISTANCE" IN 1992. IN THIS ARTICLE, THE AUTHOR TRACES THE HISTORY OF LEADERLESS RESISTANCE FROM ITS INCEPTION THROUGH ITS VARIOUS PERMUTATIONS IN THE DISPARATE IDEOLOGICAL CAMPS OF THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT.

How is one to understand contentious acts that open channels of participation while also making use of existing channels? Rightful resistance is a partly institutionalized form of popular action that employs laws, policies, and other established values to defy power holders who have failed to live up to some ideal or who have not implemented a popular measure. Analysis of opposition to cadre misconduct in rural China, supported by evidence from the United States, Norway, and South Africa, suggests that resistance can share a common dynamic despite its occurrence in strikingly dissimilar settings. Aggrieved individuals and groups turn to established principles to anchor their defiance; use legitimating myths and normative language to frame their claims; rely on existing statutes and government commitments when leveling their charges; and locate and mobilize advocates within officialdom. In differing contexts, a combination of rights talk, legal tactics, and open confrontation may induce power holders to surrender advantages in accord with principles that usually favor them. The cases examined further suggest that rightful resistance springs from rights consciousness and increases it and, finally, that it may be more consequential than most "everyday resistance" while remaining less risky than wholly uninstitutionalized defiance.

Examines innovative use of laws, policies, and other officially promoted values to defy "disloyal" political and economic elites; examples of disputes involving cadre accountability in rural China. Some reference to grassroots agitation for equal pay in the US.

Abstract This paper problematizes the notion of "intent" through the concept of "involuntary resistance". Departing from the narratives of employees in nursing homes in Sweden during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, we suggest that neoliberal norms and a local management that capitalizes on social hierarchies (sex, age, class, etc.) were the context of the strong biopolitical state management that occurred due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The friction between different forms of governing became a seedbed for an involuntary resistance with an unclear intent against the state recommendations. This sheds light upon the need to (re)frame the current dominance of specific types of knowledge that are constructed in the field of resistance. We suggest that new paths of thought are needed—within social sciences—that work towards a wider conceptualizing of resistance, which embraces practices that lie outside the common thought of dissent.

AbstractThis paper problematizes the notion of "intent" through the concept of "involuntary resistance". Departing from the narratives of employees in nursing homes in Sweden during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, we suggest that neoliberal norms and a local management that capitalizes on social hierarchies (sex, age, class, etc.) were the context of the strong biopolitical state management that occurred due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The friction between different forms of governing became a seedbed for an involuntary resistance with an unclear intent against the state recommendations. This sheds light upon the need to (re)frame the current dominance of specific types of knowledge that are constructed in the field of resistance. We suggest that new paths of thought are needed—within social sciences—that work towards a wider conceptualizing of resistance, which embraces practices that lie outside the common thought of dissent.

The popularity of Pegida and success of the Alternative for Germany has raised the question of how Germany should respond to the New Right. This article argues that reading in archives has emerged as a sociopolitical act of resistance against far-right movements, and that archival reading across time, borders, and media has turned into a strategy to defend democratic ideals. As the New Right's rise also originates in an archival investment to control public opinion and policy, the practice of archivally reading today's far right shows that contemporary Germany is in the midst of renegotiating its cultural archive, memory, and democratic principles.