Suchergebnisse

Potęga państw współczesnych nie straciła na aktualności. Można to zaobserwować w ujęciu przedstawicieli różnych teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Dzieje się tak pomimo zmian w systemie międzynarodowym i innym spojrzeniu na zakres siły państw. Zmiany w systemie spowodowały, iż obok tak oczywistych wyznaczników siły państwa, jak wojskowych czy ekonomicznych należy również uwzględnić inne, definiowane poprzez soft power. Należy uwzględnić również mechanizm uruchamiania siły w postaci sprawnie działającego państwa czy woli wspólnoty do realizacji celów. W ocenie współczesnej potęgi należy również uwzględnić aspekt systemu międzynarodowego, który w dużym stopniu wpływa jakie elementy siły są ważne, a jakie mniej istotne w danej sytuacji. Uwzględniając powyższe uwarunkowania, ważne jest przyjęcie, że siła państwa jest zespolonym wynikiem wojskowych, ekonomicznych i miękkich czynników. Należy jednak uwzględnić czynniki zewnętrzne, systemowe, które ostatecznie określają siłę państwa. W badaniach nad problematyką siły państwa wykorzystano kilka metod badawczych. Analiza systemową, której wartość w badaniach siły jest szczególnie ważna z uwagi na konieczność określenia jej miejsca w systemie międzynarodowym na jego różnych poziomach. Ważne, szczególnie w zakresie potęgometrii są metody statystyczne, które uwzględniają zarówno stronę ilościową, jak i jakościową badanych zjawisk. W badaniach nad potęgą zastosowanie ma również metoda porównawcza (analogia) zwana też komparatywną, z uwagi na możliwości wykrycia podobieństw oraz różnic między procesami i zjawiskami. ; The issue of the power of contemporary states has not lost its significance, which can be seen in various theories of international relations. It remains valid despite the changes in the international system and different perception of states' power. The changes in the international system have made soft power as important as the military or economic power of a state. It is also important to consider the source of power, embodied in a well-functioning state or a will of the community to accomplish its goals. The assessment of the power of contemporary states should also take into account the international system, which greatly influences which elements of power are more, and which are less important in a given situation. It has to be recognized that the power of the state is a complex outcome of military, economic and soft factors. However, external, systemic factors that ultimately determine the power of the state should also be taken into account. Several research methods have been used in researching the power of the state. One is the method of systemic analysis, which is particularly important in power studies as it determines where power is located on different levels of the international system. The statistical methods that take into account both quantitative and qualitative aspects of the phenomena studied are important, especially in the field of power. The comparative method (analogy) is also used, as it allows similarities and differences between processes and phenomena to be detected.

The issue of the power of contemporary states has not lost its significance, which can be seen in various theories of international relations. It remains valid despite the changes in the international system and different perception of states' power. The changes in the international system have made soft power as important as the military or economic power of a state. It is also important to consider the source of power, embodied in a well-functioning state or a will of the community to accomplish its goals. The assessment of the power of contemporary states should also take into account the international system, which greatly influences which elements of power are more, and which are less important in a given situation. It has to be recognized that the power of the state is a complex outcome of military, economic and soft factors. However, external, systemic factors that ultimately determine the power of the state should also be taken into account. Several research methods have been used in researching the power of the state. One is the method of systemic analysis, which is particularly important in power studies as it determines where power is located on different levels of the international system. The statistical methods that take into account both quantitative and qualitative aspects of the phenomena studied are important, especially in the field of power. The comparative method (analogy) is also used, as it allows similarities and differences between processes and phenomena to be detected. ; Potęga państw współczesnych nie straciła na aktualności. Można to zaobserwować w ujęciu przedstawicieli różnych teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Dzieje się tak pomimo zmian w systemie międzynarodowym i innym spojrzeniu na zakres siły państw. Zmiany w systemie spowodowały, iż obok tak oczywistych wyznaczników siły państwa, jak wojskowych czy ekonomicznych należy również uwzględnić inne, definiowane poprzez soft power. Należy uwzględnić również mechanizm uruchamiania siły w postaci sprawnie działającego państwa czy woli wspólnoty do realizacji celów. W ocenie współczesnej potęgi należy również uwzględnić aspekt systemu międzynarodowego, który w dużym stopniu wpływa jakie elementy siły są ważne, a jakie mniej istotne w danej sytuacji. Uwzględniając powyższe uwarunkowania, ważne jest przyjęcie, że siła państwa jest zespolonym wynikiem wojskowych, ekonomicznych i miękkich czynników. Należy jednak uwzględnić czynniki zewnętrzne, systemowe, które ostatecznie określają siłę państwa. W badaniach nad problematyką siły państwa wykorzystano kilka metod badawczych. Analiza systemową, której wartość w badaniach siły jest szczególnie ważna z uwagi na konieczność określenia jej miejsca w systemie międzynarodowym na jego różnych poziomach. Ważne, szczególnie w zakresie potęgometrii są metody statystyczne, które uwzględniają zarówno stronę ilościową, jak i jakościową badanych zjawisk. W badaniach nad potęgą zastosowanie ma również metoda porównawcza (analogia) zwana też komparatywną, z uwagi na możliwości wykrycia podobieństw oraz różnic między procesami i zjawiskami.

Perspectives of the world oil market areclosely related to the possible tendencies of price ruling of that natural resource. To describe it, the author constructs a system considering all the main elements subject to changes in time, which are essentially related to the ruling of oil prices. Pricing strategies of the oil states are adopted as the initial variable. Its variants can be specified on the grounds of the formulated subsystems of independent and dependent variables. The first of subsystems comprises features relatively unchanged over time and common for all the states-producers of oil. The maeroeconomic target of the oil states economies is considered here as well as the long-run target in their export sectors and stimulating functions of price variables. This subsystem is supplemented by the conditions limiting free price-ruling within the framework of certain stimulating functions. The second subsystem considères the effect of three categories of determinants: internal (relations of export incomes to expenditures of the oil states, acquired level of productive forces in those states, conditions for realization of the accelerated economic development, freedom to "manipulate" resources), external ones (relation of demand to oil supply) and correcting (quality of oil, transport distance, extra economic factors, the volume of demand aparat of main oil importers). They constitute proper criteria of variating procedure. Defining the probability of appearance of one of the presented variants in practice and its effect on the level of oil prices requires a permanent observation of changes in the respective analysed factors and taking account of them. And that is the premise adopted by the author of the article. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors – the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and theinstitutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups andbackstage actors of politics. ; Autor analizuje czynniki, które osłabiają oddziaływanie zasad merytokracji na instytucje i politykę państwa. Wskazuje, że merytokratyczne podejście do rządzenia, w tym programowania działań publicznych, jedynie w ograniczonym zakresie stało się zasobem służącym do uzyskiwania prawomocności władzy w Polsce. Atuty merytokracji (jak "wydajność" i "sprawiedliwość") nie zostały w tym celu uruchomione w znaczącej skali. W konsekwencji doszło do znaczącego delegitymizowania prawomocności ustroju demokratycznego, a także osłabienia identyfikacji społeczeństwa z państwem. Miarą tego zjawiska jest m.in. niski prestiż polityków i duża absencja wyborcza. Autor zwraca uwagę na to, że mechanizmy zarządzania merytokratycznego w instytucjach publicznych w Polscesą znacząco zredukowane z uwagi na oddziaływanie wielu czynników – zawłaszczaniepaństwa przez partie polityczne, instytucjonalny nomadyzm elit, reguły kapitalizmupolitycznego, miękkie państwo i instytucjonalizację nieodpowiedzialności lub działańrozmaitych grup interesu i zakulisowych podmiotów polityki.

This book proposes a theoretical-methodological approach to resocialization diagnosis from a positive perspective. The author presents theoretical assumptions of positive diagnosis in resocialization and creates its methodological model. Her starting point is the belief that a well-conducted diagnostic process, inherently linked with the process of resocialization, belongs to the most important factors which determine the effectiveness of the latter. Her standpoint is that both processes should be carried out within the same theoretical-methodological paradigm; she points out that diagnosis serves as the basis for planning resocialization activities, which are directly tied to its results. Moreover, diagnosis is further developed in the course of resocialization, while methods used are subject to modification during the whole process. In the conceptualisation of the area, scope and object of resocialization diagnosis, the author took into consideration assumptions which follow from: a) the concept of personality as a system of interdependencies, where individual development is treated as an unstable process, influenced by many contradictory internal and external forces; b) the idea of a dynamic "system of attitudes towards the world," which implies a psychological perspective on the subject of its interest, that is a human being in the process of self-development; c) the concept of resilience, which refers to the processes and mechanisms conducive to a proper (positive) functioning of an individual — despite life's adversities, risk factors, developmental hazards, and traumatic past experiences; and d) the concept of salutogenesis, which harks back to the transactional theory of stress. This view calls for an interdisciplinary approach to diagnosis in resocialization, which would encompass data from the field of psychology and social pedagogy, developmental psychology and health, special needs education and biosciences. From this perspective the object of resocialization diagnosis are multifarious conditions which determine the process of "shaping" the human being or, more specifically, problems in his or her development throughout the life cycle, including environmental, cultural and personal factors. In the positive approach to resocialization diagnosis proposed by the author, various categories of diagnostic description of an individual are important, such as multidimensionality (various areas of activity), continuity (development throughout the life cycle), orientation of individual development (prosocial, prodevelopmental vs. antisocial, destructive) and, most importantly, necessity to discover individual resources (potential). The proposed approach situates the diagnostic process in the paradigm of positive psychology and positive resocialization, basic to human cognition, which focus on autocreation and creative resocialization, at the same time pointing out the necessity to identify the unique potential of an individual (positive diagnosis). The book comprises two chapters. The first one presents the theoretical assumptions of resocialization diagnosis; the second chapter explains its methodological premises. The models presented by the author (so called complementary approach) assume the priority of positive diagnosis (focused on resources and potential) and a supplementary role of negative diagnosis (focused on deficits and disorders). Chapter One ("Positive and negative diagnosis in resocialization — general theoretical assumptions") comprises: a) a description of the main approaches in resocialization diagnosis — pathogenic and salutogenic — with their specific ways of explaining adaptive disorders; and b) a description of the major factors and problems in diagnosis for resocialization. On the whole, the author adopts the approach typical of salutogenesis to explain adaptive disorders. She also provides evidence that it is possible to implement the concepts of positive psychology in resocialization diagnosis. She presents resocialization models which refer to resilience and salutogenesis, using them as the theoretical foundation of positive diagnosis in resocialization: the risk model, the well being model and models which support development. As a result, she creates a complementary model of supporting development. In Chapter Two ("Positive and negative diagnosis in resocialization — narrowing down on the theoretical and methodological assumptions), the reader is introduced to the theoretical problems of social maladaptation and to the specific objects of positive and negative diagnosis. The author describes adaptive disorders in the context of basic markers, dimensions and mechanisms of human development on the one hand and developmental disorders on the other, focusing mainly on the cognitive mechanisms of development and psychopathology of developmental disorders (cognitive distortions). She analyses the environmental and sociocultural context of development and demonstrates a risk factor model and a protective factor model. It is against this background that she creates a complementary methodological model of resocialization diagnosis, in which positive diagnosis (salutogenic approach) is treated as primary, and negative diagnosis (pathogenic approach) as supplementary. A discussion of the model of resocialization diagnosis closes with remarks on the markers and characteristic features of a resocialization pedagogue's ethics of conduct — the teacher acting both as a diagnostician and a tutor who fosters the process of inner transformation of a socially maladapted individual.

Participation in operations abroad is an important instrument of the State's security policy as well as foreign policy, which can impact on the international security. In addition to the implementation of the political, national and strategic objectives, engagement of Polish Armed Forces (PAF) in operations also results in gathering new experiences, enabling the improvement of existing and acquisition of new operational capabilities. This is particularly true of emergency response capabilities and conducting combat operations with unequal military strengths, which include factors such as: training, quality of human resources, weapons and military equipment. In light of the potential challenges associated with the continued growth of operational capabilities in terms of changes in the security environment, an analysis of the conclusions and experiences has been conducted. They will probably have the greatest impact on the development of the PAF as well as the whole NATO. ; Udział SZ RP w misjach i operacjach zagranicznych jest ważnym instrumentem polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa, jak i polityki zagranicznej. Jednocześnie udział ten jest cennym źródłem nowych doświadczeń umożliwiających poprawę istniejących i pozyskiwanie nowych zdolności operacyjnych SZ RP. Jest to szczególnie ważne w kontekście zdolności reagowania kryzysowego i prowadzenia operacji w środowisku asymetrii potencjałów stron. W związku z tym, w świetle potencjalnych wyzwań współczesnego środowiska bezpieczeństwa, celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie w uogólnionej formie doświadczeń przede wszystkim poziomu polityczno-wojskowego z udziału SZ RP w sojuszniczych misjach i operacjach, które w opinii autora stanowią wartość dodaną w zachodzących aktualnie procesach profesjonalizacji i transformacji polskiej armii oraz jej integracji w ramach Sojuszu.

The effective absorption of European funds, contributes to the development of the economy of a member state. This ability depends on the conditions of both the recipient and the institution transferring funds. The beneficiary effectiveness depends on its level of development, which determines the hierarchy of its needs and skills of own resources' accumulation, necessary co-financing. The institution transferring funds are decisive quality of the institutional system and the transparency regulations for EU assistance. The financial correction is a sanction for any irregularities made by the beneficiaries in the implementation of projects co-financed by European Union funds. The aim of the analysis is to determine the factors affecting the risk of repayment of the EU grant by the beneficiary during the permanence period, and to indicate the level of significance of occurred deficiencies that affect the amount of financial correction. The essential thesis is a statement that there are many irregularities in the shelf life associated mainly with insufficient knowledge and experience of the beneficiaries. ; Efektywna absorpcja przyznanych środków europejskich przyczynia się do rozwoju gospodarki kraju członkowskiego. Zdolność ta jest uzależniona od uwarunkowań zarówno beneficjenta, jak i instytucji przekazującej środki. Po stronie beneficjenta efektywność zależy od poziomu jego rozwoju, który wyznacza hierarchię jego potrzeb, oraz od umiejętności zgromadzenia środków własnych, niezbędnych przy współfinansowaniu. Po stronie instytucji przekazującej środki decydujące to jakość systemu instytucjonalnego i przejrzystość regulacji dotyczących pomocy unijnej. Korekta finansowa stanowi sankcję za wszelkie nieprawidłowości dokonane przez beneficjentów w zakresie realizacji projektów współfinansowanych ze środków funduszy Unii Europejskiej. Celem analizy jest określenie czynników wpływających na ryzyko zwrotu dotacji unijnej przez beneficjenta w okresie trwałości oraz wskazanie poziomu istotności zaistniałych uchybień, które rzutują na wysokość korekty finansowej. Zasadniczą tezę stanowi stwierdzenie, iż istnieje wiele nieprawidłowości występujących w okresie trwałości, związanych głównie z niedostateczną wiedzą i doświadczeniem beneficjentów.

The paper presents the results of a research project carried out in Łódź and the Łódź region under EU grant Diversity Improvement as a Viable Enrichment Resource for Society and Economy. The research was conducted in various institutions dealing with foreigners in Poland and in the region, in enterprises employing immigrants (public, for-profit and not-for-profit), and in voluntary organizations with which such persons are involved.The purpose of the project was to find out if there is an effectively functioning model in Poland and in the region for Third Country Nationals (TCNs) integration, and if any practices have been adopted to support their equal treatment and effective valorisation of their skills, knowledge and competence.The presence of TNCs in the Łódź region is only marginal. They are mostly staying in Łódź and its metropolitan area. Their nationality structure has been found to be similar to that of the country as a whole – the most numerous are immigrants from Ukraine (25% of the total number of immigrants), Belarus and other former socialist countries, and from Asia (Chinese constituting 10% of their total number). The majority of the im­migrants are employed in positions which do not require high qualifications. Those staying in the Łódź region are mainly working in manufacturing, con­struction and trade, depending on their country of origin.In view of the present demographic situation of the aging Polish society and considering external factors such as the war and economic crisis in Ukraine, an increased inflow of TCNs should be expected. ; Artykuł omawia rezultaty badań prowadzonych w Łodzi i regionie łódzkim w ramach grantu UE nt. Diversity Improvement as a Viable Enrichment Resource for Society and Economy. Badania przeprowadzono w różnych instytucjach zajmujących się cudzoziemcami w Polsce i regionie, w przedsiębiorstwach zatrudniających imigrantów (10 przedsiębiorstw – public, profit i non profit) oraz w organizacjach wolontariackich, w których takie osoby działają.Ogólnym celem projektu było sprawdzenie, czy funkcjonuje w Polsce i regionie skuteczny model integracji imigrantów spoza UE, zbadanie czy istnieją praktyki wspierające ich równe traktowanie oraz skuteczna waloryzacja ich umiejętności, wiedzy i kompetencji. Wyniki badań stanowiły podstawę do wskazania co i jak należy poprawić w działaniach wobec imigrantów. Celem niniejszej pracy była prezentacja idei i wyników tego projektu.Jak wykazały badania, obecność imigrantów spoza UE w regionie łódzkim jest marginalna. Cudzoziemcy koncentrowali się głównie w Łodzi i jej obszarze metropolitalnym. Ich struktura narodowościowa okazała się podobna jak w całej Polsce – najliczniej reprezentowani byli przybysze z Ukrainy (25% ogółu imigrantów), Białorusi i innych byłych krajów socjalistycznych oraz z Azji (w tym Chińczycy 10% ogółu). Przeważały osoby zatrudnione na stanowiskach nie wymagających wysokich kwalifikacji. Imigranci przebywający w regionie łódzkim, w zależności od kraju pochodzenia, pracowali głównie w przemyśle wytwórczym, budownictwie i handlu.Wobec aktualnych potrzeb w sytuacji demograficznej starzejącego się społeczeństwa polskiego, jak również takich czynników zewnętrznych, jak np. wojna i kryzys gospodarczy na Ukrainie, spodziewany będzie większy napływ imigrantów spoza UE.Generalnym wnioskiem z badań jest wskazanie, że należy udoskonalić istniejące przepisy prawne oraz stworzyć nowe regulujące w lepszy sposób problem pobytu imigrantów spoza UE, zasad uznawania ich kwalifikacji zawodowych oraz pozyskiwania pracy w Polsce.

Niniejszy artykuł omawia kwestię własności państwowej w sektorze paliwowo- -energetycznym w kontekście bezpieczeństwa energetycznego na przykładzie wybranych krajów. Przedstawiony rys historyczny pokazuje szerszy kontekst procesów prywatyzacyjnych omawianego sektora zarówno na Zachodzie Europy jak i w byłych krajach socjalistycznych. Następnie poddano analizie stopień kontroli właścicielskiej państwa w poszczególnych, wybranych krajach. Szczególnie przeanalizowano relacje pomiędzy narodowymi (państwowymi) a prywatnymi (globalnymi) koncernami sektora paliwowo-energetycznego, a zwłaszcza sektora gazowo-naftowego. W podsumowaniu wskazano na brak jednolitego modelu postępowania w tym zakresie, wynikający z różnych uwarunkowań geopolitycznych i makroekonomicznych prezentowanych państw oraz na wyzwania wobec polskiego rządu, dotyczące wyboru wzorców najbardziej adekwatnych dla sytuacji naszego kraju i wprowadzenia ich w życie. ; The article discusses a relation in between energy security and state ownership of the enterprises active in energy and fuel sector. A history of privatisation efforts carried out both in Western Europe and in post-communist countries is presented to give background for current state of the governmental involvement in the sector. The main part of the article is devoted to individual analysis of selected countries representing various models of ownership policy, among others: USA, UK, Germany and Russia. These analysis are complemented by a chapter discussing the issue of competition between so called National Oil Companies, owned, or at least controlled by governments and Global Oil Companies, public but almost purely privately owned ones. They indicate a variety of ownership models applied or rather developed due to differences in size and structure of natural energy resources, balance of internal supply and demand, military strength, political position, particular model of free market economy in general, membership in key international organisations. All the factors mentioned have lead to a situation in which a total lack of governmental ownership in the sector's corporation can be attributed only to USA and UK. In all other countries analysed states act as important or even dominant shareholders in key energy companies, trying to pursue, in more or less open ways, their policies. Having understood that their results depend very much on the strength and international presence of state controlled corporations governments promote their business development through adoption of the most advanced managerial practices, research in technology and participation in global cooperation with key players in energy and energy related sectors. Therefore they do not exclude neither a partial participation of private investors nor bringing state controlled companies to, even foreign, stock exchanges. But always governments execute control over activities related to energy security and protect these corporations from hostile takeovers. On the other side governments actively support the controlled companies on various fields for example trying to weaken certain EU regulations, negotiating international agreements considering their presence abroad or granting licences for their own natural resources on preferential terms. In conclusion it is stated that no universal "correct" or "European" pattern regarding neither state ownership in energy companies nor using this tool for protecting energy security exists. Therefore Poland has to select solutions most adequate to it's own situation and apply them in the most effective way.

The subject of research is the Democratic Party, which was established during the Second Polish Republic. After World War II, it was one of the elements of the Polish party system. The aim of the study is to present the internal and external factors that influenced the political marginalization of SD in the 1990s. Remarks on the subject of the title, which were scattered in various publications by the author, were collected and re-interpreted. The crisis of the leadership in the party, lack of consistency in the actions taken, liquidation of press resources, conflicts in the relations between the SD leadership and field instances, the outflow of members, disintegration of committees and circles, poor knowledge of democratic principles, inability to prepare an attractive program offer, frequent changes of party leaders – this is the most important internal causes that determined the political marginalization of the SD. External considerations were also important here. First of all, functioning in the conditions of the hegemonic party system was not conducive to organizational, personnel and program development, which had to cause various deformations. After 1989, in the conditions of the free formation of the party system, the new groups accused the SD of cooperation with the Polish United Workers' Party and legitimizing the political system of the People's Republic of Poland; voters also remembered it. All political activities undertaken by this party under such conditions ended in failure and exacerbated the internal crisis. ; Przedmiotem badań jest Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, które powstało jeszcze w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Po II wojnie światowej było jednym z elementów polskiego systemu partyjnego. Celem opracowania jest prezentacja wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych czynników, które miały wpływ na marginalizację polityczną SD w latach 90. XX wieku. Zebrano w jedną całość i uzupełniono rozproszone w różnych opracowaniach autora uwagi dotyczące tytułowej problematyki oraz dokonano ponownej interpretacji. Kryzys przywództwa w partii, brak konsekwencji w podejmowanych działaniach, likwidacja zasobów prasowych, konflikty w relacjach kierownictwa SD z instancjami terenowymi, odpływ członków, rozpad komitetów i kół, słaba znajomość zasad demokracji, niezdolność do przygotowania atrakcyjnej oferty programowej, częste zmiany partyjnych liderów – to najważniejsze przyczyny wewnętrzne, które przesądziły o marginalizacji politycznej SD. Istotne były tu też względy zewnętrzne. Przede wszystkim funkcjonowanie w warunkach systemu partii hegemonicznej nie sprzyjało rozwojowi organizacyjnemu, kadrowemu i programowemu, co musiało powodować różne deformacje. Po 1989 roku, w warunkach swobodnego kształtowania się systemu partyjnego, nowe ugrupowania oskarżały SD o współpracę z PZPR i legitymizowanie systemu politycznego PRL; pamiętali też o tym wyborcy. Wszystkie podejmowane w takich warunkach przez tę partię działania polityczne kończyły się porażką i potęgowały wewnętrzny kryzys.

Przedmiotem badań jest Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, które powstało jeszcze w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Po II wojnie światowej było jednym z elementów polskiego systemu partyjnego. Celem opracowania jest prezentacja wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych czynników, które miały wpływ na marginalizację polityczną SD w latach 90. XX wieku. Zebrano w jedną całość i uzupełniono rozproszone w różnych opracowaniach autora uwagi dotyczące tytułowej problematyki oraz dokonano ponownej interpretacji. Kryzys przywództwa w partii, brak konsekwencji w podejmowanych działaniach, likwidacja zasobów prasowych, konflikty w relacjach kierownictwa SD z instancjami terenowymi, odpływ członków, rozpad komitetów i kół, słaba znajomość zasad demokracji, niezdolność do przygotowania atrakcyjnej oferty programowej, częste zmiany partyjnych liderów – to najważniejsze przyczyny wewnętrzne, które przesądziły o marginalizacji politycznej SD. Istotne były tu też względy zewnętrzne. Przede wszystkim funkcjonowanie w warunkach systemu partii hegemonicznej nie sprzyjało rozwojowi organizacyjnemu, kadrowemu i programowemu, co musiało powodować różne deformacje. Po 1989 roku, w warunkach swobodnego kształtowania się systemu partyjnego, nowe ugrupowania oskarżały SD o współpracę z PZPR i legitymizowanie systemu politycznego PRL; pamiętali też o tym wyborcy. Wszystkie podejmowane w takich warunkach przez tę partię działania polityczne kończyły się porażką i potęgowały wewnętrzny kryzys. ; The subject of research is the Democratic Party, which was established during the Second Polish Republic. After World War II, it was one of the elements of the Polish party system. The aim of the study is to present the internal and external factors that influenced the political marginalization of SD in the 1990s. Remarks on the subject of the title, which were scattered in various publications by the author, were collected and re-interpreted. The crisis of the leadership in the party, lack of consistency in the actions taken, liquidation of press resources, conflicts in the relations between the SD leadership and field instances, the outflow of members, disintegration of committees and circles, poor knowledge of democratic principles, inability to prepare an attractive program offer, frequent changes of party leaders – this is the most important internal causes that determined the political marginalization of the SD. External considerations were also important here. First of all, functioning in the conditions of the hegemonic party system was not conducive to organizational, personnel and program development, which had to cause various deformations. After 1989, in the conditions of the free formation of the party system, the new groups accused the SD of cooperation with the Polish United Workers' Party and legitimizing the political system of the People's Republic of Poland; voters also remembered it. All political activities undertaken by this party under such conditions ended in failure and exacerbated the internal crisis. ; 1 ; 103 ; 113 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

The main determinant of the development of the contemporary political communication constitutes the attempt to impart a rational dimension to the actions of communication in compliance with Weber's understanding of the term. M. Weber claimed that rationism is a direct reflection of (a) the ability to determine such aims which are optimal and adequate to one's own resources within a given situational context, as well as the possibility to calculate the consequences of the actions undertaken (rational actions on account of the aim) and/or (b) orientation of actions around a given value system (rational actions on account of the values). In this view, a direction of the development of the contemporary conception of political communication reflects the evolutionary transformation of the relations between an axiological and instrumental-functional approach to the process of creating, planning, and executing communication strategies. Four stages in the development of the conception of communicative actions strategically ordered can be distinguished: — stage I: domination of communicative actions oriented around the political system of values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of a traditional political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — social integration/persuasion), — stage II: a relative balance of actions oriented around preferable political values and pragmatic aims (the stage of institutionalised political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/integration/political activation), — stage III: domination of pragmatic aims parallel with political values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of early communication campaigns market-oriented; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/political activation), — stage IV: correlation of pragmatic aims and instrumental values (the stage of a developed political marketing communication; the chief aim of communicative influences — political motivation, with the main emphasis on the election activation). An increasing popularity of the marketing methods of organization and conducting political campaigns should be treated as a subsequent stage of the search for the efficient formula of political communication, the stage whose main determinants are the following: — organizational transformation of traditional political subjects (political parties, electional organizations of candidates), — gradual professionalization of politics, in two perspectives: professionalization of political parties evident in the increase of the role of professional politics in making important organizational decisions, as well as the appearance of new actors on the political stage, political consultants, taking over the position of a central decisive centre in political organizations, with responsibility for preparation and implementation of the political communication strategy, — mediatisation of political communication — means of mass communication have become the main transmission channel of political information on the one hand, and, on the other hand, a kind of creator of the political reality, shaping the image of the political market, particular political subjects, or the course of political rivalry by active selection and exposure of given information according to the commercial and/or political interests of the media transmitters, — change of the system of factors determining political behaviours (electional behaviours in particular) of citizens — what becomes especially important in this context is a progressing decrease of the level of political identification leading to the increase of the number of citizens slightly engaged in the political enterprise, possessing relatively low competences of receiving and understanding transmitted political information, as well as basic problems with taking a given political decision. The complexity of the market conditions makes the subjects of political rivalry choose and develop communication marketing strategies. Such a way of organizing and realising political communicative campaigns — in accordance with the four basic criteria: efficiency, predictability, calculationism, and the use of advanced technology — may be treated as an optimal variant of a strategic adjustment of the contemporary organizations to diversified requirements of the political environment.

The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.