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A discussion of the importance of responsiveness for the quality of democracy contends that responsiveness may be viewed as a series of linkages intended to ensure that governments respect the preferences of the governed. It is maintained that democratic responsiveness is an ongoing, complex, & dynamic process that begins with the policy preferences of citizens & moves through such stages as voting, election outcomes, formation of policy-making coalitions, policy making between elections, & public polices themselves. It is noted that similarities between government outcomes & citizen desires does not necessarily indicate democratic responsiveness. The need for institutional arrangements to provide incentives supporting linkages of responsiveness is discussed, along with conceptual difficulties involved in evaluating democratic responsiveness, & theoretical disputes related to empirical research on linkages between citizens' preferences, election outcomes, political influence, & policy outcomes. The need for a more complex research agenda encompassing multiple, context-sensitive measures of procedure, substantive content, & citizen evaluation is emphasized. 1 Table, 1 Figure. J. Lindroth

Responsiveness bias, the degree to which governments respond unequally to the public policy preferences of various community subpopulations, is a previously unstudied dimension of political inequality. An empirical examination of responsiveness bias in the 51 cities of the Permanent Community Sample, based on simulations of subcommunity preferences, reveals that responsiveness is usually biased to favor the advantaged, though a few communities favor the disadvantaged. Larger & wealthier cities, with well-organized interest groups having little minority representation, are likeliest to bias their policies to favor the advantaged. 8 Tables, Appendix. Modified HA.

Does the disposition of public opinion affect the progressivism of public policy? While scholars devote a significant amount of attention to opinion-policy linkages at the national, state, and even county levels in such a manner, a similarly defined relationship in local domains remains untested. In this research note, the author offers an alternative for understanding local representation through an investigation of the relationship between the public's ideology and government spending patterns in twenty-six urban areas across multiple policy areas. The results indicate that the ideological preferences of citizens are reflected in the spending decisions of governments. Adapted from the source document.

Relationships between friendly nations are generally characterized by mutual `responsiveness,' ie, a mutual willingness to make concessions where the other nation has strong needs. Results from an interview study in the Dept of State are presented which suggest that responsiveness is a conscious policy, located in certain gov agencies, & deriving from the goals & ways of viewing things characteristic of these agencies. A partially mathematical theoretical section is included in which responsiveness is treated as a `strategy' in a `larger game' embracing all future interactions between 2 parties. Each player's responsiveness is assumed to be a function of the other player's responsiveness & the comparative fate control of the 2 players. This formulation implies a Richardson Process, which is described briefly. AA.

Why the tradeoff between responsiveness and efficiency is inherent to the formulation of public policy.

Through examination of the criteria for the creation of multijurisdictional districts, proposes a theory of state responsiveness in local government structural reorganization. Supports the responsiveness theory. (Abstract amended)